















































































































































































































































































































































































































































Ljioaiapfjp 

OF CELEBRATED 

ROMAN CHARACTERS: 

WITH 

NUMEROUS ANECDOTES, 

ILLUSTRATIVE OF 

THEIR LIVES AND ACTIONS. 

n X THE 

REV. WILLIAM 'BINGLEY, M.A. F.L.S. 

Ixite of Peter-house, Cambridge, and Autturr of Animal B*ographv, <$-r. 



With a brief Account of the Author’s Life and Writings, and an Appendix on 

Roman Literature. 


DESIGNED FOR THE USE OF YOUNG PERSONS, 

And embellished with Engravings of Portraits raid Historical Subjects. 


LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR HARVEY AND DARTON. 

GRACECHURCH-STREET. 


1824 . 












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A . 

BRIEF ACCOUNT 


OF THE 


AUTHOR S LIFE AND WRITINGS. 


The admirers of Mr. Bingley’s writings (and 
who that values knowledge seasoned and recom¬ 
mended by religious feeling, does not admire 
them ?) will, doubtless, feel a sensation of deep 
and sincere regret, while they are now taking 
into their hands this his posthumous volume. 
Upon parting with an esteemed friend, it is na¬ 
tural to review all the occasions on which we 
derived from him either pleasure or instruction. 
A similar feeling will justify the publishers of 
this little work to place before the reader a sum¬ 
mary sketch of Mr. Bingley’s literary labours. 
Indeed, in noticing the life of studious men, no 
other choice is afforded: as the progress of a 
general is traced by his battles, that of the scho¬ 
lar must be marked by the succession and na¬ 
ture of his publications. 




IV 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE 


The Rev. William Bingley was born at Don¬ 
caster in Yorkshire, in the year 1774. He 
finished his studies at Peterhouse, Cambridge; 
and on taking his Bachelor’s degree, in the year 
1799, his name was the twenty-first on the list 
of honorary degrees. His original destination 
was for the bar; but his inclination for more 
tranquil studies induced him to enter into Holy 
Orders. His ministry was exercised for many 
years as curate of Christchurch, Hampshire: on 
his subsequent removal to London, he officiated, 
during the latter years of his life, at Fitzroy 
Chapel. In March, 1 823, he w T as attacked by 
an inflammation of the chest, occasioned by 
cold: the malady terminated in his rapid disso¬ 
lution, after a week’s illness, on the 11th of 
that month, in the forty-eighth year of his 
age. 

His remains were buried in the vault under 
the middle aisle of Bloomsbury Church. This 
melancholy and unexpected event was deeply 
deplored by Mr. Bingley’s friends, to whom he 
had endeared himself by the extent and pleas¬ 
ing communication of his knowledge, by his mild 
and unobtrusive manners, by his kind and ami¬ 
able disposition, by his probity of character, by 
the warmth and sincerity of his friendship, and 
by his unaffected piety of heart. 


THE AUTHOR’S WRITINGS. V 

His principal works, as editor and author, are 
as follows: 

I. “Correspondence between Frances, Count¬ 
ess of Hartford, (afterwards duchess of Somer¬ 
set,) and Henrietta Louisa, Countess of Pom- 
fret, between the years 1738 and 1741.” These 
letters were printed from manuscripts, the pro¬ 
perty of Mrs. Burslem, of Imber House, Wilts, 
to whom the work (comprised in three volumes 
12mo, 1805) is inscribed. Lady Hartford is 
not an unknown name: to this lady, Thomson 
has dedicated his “ Spring,” and Dr. Watts his 
“ Miscellanies.” She is also known from her 
benevolent interference with the queen, in be¬ 
half of the poet, Savage. 

II. “ Memoirs of British Quadrupeds.” This 
work was intended as the first volume of a series 
of memoirs of British animals, in which, for the 
accommodation of such persons as are inclined 
to pursue the study of any one branch of zoolo¬ 
gy in preference to others, each class was to be 
rendered perfectly distinct from the rest. The 
author more particularly aimed at an accurate 
delineation of the habits of life, instincts, and 
sagacity, of the animals peculiar to Great Britain 
and Ireland, from the highest to the lowest 
classes. The technical and descriptive parts 
were to be separated from the body of the work, 



VI 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


and inserted at the end of each class, in the 
form of a synopsis. By this plan Mr. Bingley 
hoped to obviate the numerous inconveniences 
which are felt in Mr. Pennant’s work on British 
Zoology, from an indiscriminate mixture of de¬ 
scription and anecdote. The preceding work 
seems intended to have been followed by an 
account of British Fishes. The work is in¬ 
scribed to Dr. Brownlow North, bishop of Win¬ 
chester. 

III. “ North Wales Delineated, from two 
Excursions through all the interesting parts of 
that highly beautiful and romantic Country; 
and intended as a Guide to future Tourists, 
8vo. 1814.” This volume was the result of his 
tours in the summers of 1798,1801. The work 
is accompanied with a very excellent map of 
North Wales. The Itinerary inserted at the 
conclusion of the volume, contains a notice of 
almost every object worth visiting throughout 
the whole of North Wales. This work has 
been so well received by tourists, (who at the 
most must be a limited class of readers,) as to 
have made a second edition necessary. The 
work is dedicated to Dr. Smith, President of 
the Linnean Society. 

IV. “ Animated Nature, or Elements of the 


THE AUTHOR’S WRITINGS. 


vu 


Natural History of Animals; illustrated by short 
Histories and Anecdotes, and intended to afford 
a popular View of the Linnean System of 
Arrangement, 1814.” Mr. B. has inserted no 
subject whatever which can, in any respect, 
prove offensive to the most delicate female 
mind. The Monthly Review, October, 1816, 
has passed the following judgment on the pre¬ 
ceding work: 

u When we reflect on the quantity of useful information 
which Mr. Binglev has contrived to reduce within such a 
limited number of pages, on the authentic documents from 
which he has abridged his materials, and on the easy com¬ 
prehension of his style and manner, we cannot hesitate to 
recommend this work to those persons who are entrusted 
with the education of the young.” 


V. “A Practical Introduction to Botany; 
illustrated by references under each definition, 
to Plants of easy access, and by numerous 
Figures, and also comprising a Glossary of Bo¬ 
tanic Terms.” 12mo. 1817. 

We will now advert to another class of Mr. 
Bingley’s publications, entitled, “ Biographical 
Conversations,” comprising three parts: 1. VI. 
On eminent and instructive British Characters; 
2, VII. On most eminent Voyagers; 3. VIII. 
On celebrated Travellers, The author feigns 
that the members of a family employ their even- 



vm 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


ings in discussing the lives, characters, and ad¬ 
ventures of celebrated men: hence arises the 
appellation of the volumes. 

VI. The Biographical Conversations on 
British Characters was the earliest in point of 
time, and, by the favour of the public, has 
passed into a third edition, 1821. The delight 
that is experienced, and the information that is 
often elicited in domestic circles, by the familiar 
discussion of literary and scientific subjects, sug¬ 
gested the plan of the present work. It oc¬ 
curred to Mr. Bingley, that, if such discussions 
were capable of yielding important instruction, 
conversations on the human character, illustra¬ 
tive of the development, progress, and attain¬ 
ments of the human mind, must be capable of 
yielding instruction of still greater importance. 
Mr. B. adopted this form, thinking it attractive 
toyoungpersons, asitadmits ofscopc to numerous 
incidental reflections and observations, of which 
no other form is capable; and from an attentive 
perusal of judicious discussions of this nature, 
the young may also be taught to discuss similar 
subjects by themselves. Each of the lives may 
be turned into an exercise in English compo¬ 
sition, if, for this purpose, it be attentively read; 
and if, from recollection, its principal contents 
be written down in the form of a narrative. 










THE AUTHOR’S WRITINGS. 


IX 


The British Characters have been arranged 
under distinct heads of Statesmen, Philosophers, 
Divines, See. that the juvenile reader may have 
an immediate view of those persons, who have 
been eminent in each of the classes. Mr. B. 
has endeavoured to select such lives only as 
were capable of affording instruction, and of 
making the strongest and most permanent im¬ 
pression on the minds of those readers, to whose 
use they are here alone appropriated. 

Another part of his design has been to insert, 
in every life, as many anecdotes as possible, well 
knowing that the attention of young persons is, 
in general, much more easily fixed by example 
than by precept—by incident than by observa¬ 
tion. With a view to the formation of the 
youthful mind, the author has inserted as many 
important particulars as possible, relative to the 
education and progress in knowledge, of the in¬ 
dividuals whose lives he lias made the subject of 
discussion; and, by the anecdotes he has been 
able to collect, he has endeavoured to illustrate 
the advantages that result to young persons, 
from submission to authority and restraint, from 
application to study, from industry, integrity, 
and obedience, and the unhappiness that is in¬ 
variably consequent upon disobedience, indo¬ 
lence, imprudence, bad company, and dissipa¬ 
tion. But as infinitely the most important of 




X 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


all, he has, in all cases, endeavoured to show the 
necessity of early religious instruction and 
habits. 

VII. The preceding volume was followed 
by Biographical Conversations on the most emi¬ 
nent Voyagers , comprehending the narratives 
or adventures of Anson, Byron, Columbus, 
Cortes, Carteret, Cook, Drake, Dampier, James, 
Magellan, Pizarro, Rogers, Vesputius, and 
Wallis. As this work is designed exclusively 
for the use of young persons, the nautical and 
other technical phraseology has almost wholly 
been omitted. The descriptions of many im¬ 
portant natural productions have likewise been 
omitted, because such would not only have too 
much extended the work, but because they 
would have essentially interfered either with the 
narratives or the discussion. If accounts of 
these be wanting, they may all be found by re¬ 
ference to the author’s publication, entitled, 
“ Useful Knowledge.” These concise narratives 
are intended not to satisfy the minds of his 
youthful readers, but to stimulate to further in¬ 
quiry. 

VIII. The third and last of Mr. Bingley’s 
Biographical Conversations , relates to celebrated 
Travellers, These narratives are longer, and 



THE AUTHOR’S WRITINGS. 


XI 


more comprehensive than those of the Voyages , 
as many of them illustrate, and are immediately 
connected with numerous historical facts. In 
the selection of the travels, Mr. B. has been 
cautious not to insert the narratives of two tra¬ 
vellers through the same part of a country. 
The interest which this work possesses, may be/ 
best estimated by a brief view of its contents: it 
comprises the Travels of Ludovico Verthema, 
from Damascus to Medina and Mecca, and 
thence to India; the Journey of Sir Thomas 
Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul; Wheel¬ 
er’s Travels in Greece; Maundrelfs Travels in 
the Holy Land; Bell’s Journey from Peters¬ 
burg to Ispahan; Norden’s Travels through 
Egypt and Nubia; Kalnfs Travels in North 
America; Hearne’s Journeys from Prince of 
Wales’s Fort, towards the Northern Ocean; 
Dr. Moore’s Travels in France, Switzerland, 
and Germany; Swinburne’s Travels in Spain. 

Mr. Bingley had intended that the “ Conver¬ 
sations on Celebrated Travellers” should be 
accompanied by a small collection of Maps, as 
a Geographical Companion , not only to the 
“ Travellers,” but also to the “ Voyagers,” and 
to any other volumes which he might hereafter 
publish in a detached form, in any way connect¬ 
ed with similar subjects. We do not believe 
that he executed this part of his literary plans ; 



Xll 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


but though his design, as far as related to the 
Maps, was either abandoned or not completed, 
he has very amply compensated for this omis¬ 
sion, by a pleasing collection of— 

IX. “ Modern Travels.” This work, which 
appeared in detached parts, is finally arranged 
in six volumes. In explanation of the plan of 
this work, it may, perhaps, he requisite to state, 
that it will not he found a mere abridgment of 
travels. A parent is supposed to relate, to his 
children, in a course of daily instructions, an 
account of every important country of the Old 
and New Continent; and for the purpose of va¬ 
rying the narrative, affording greater amuse¬ 
ment, and more strongly impressing the subject 
upon their memory, he adopts, into his descrip¬ 
tion, the adventures of such modern travellers 
as have proceeded along the same route which 
he is desirous of describing. 

Thus, by a detail of anecdotes of extraordi¬ 
nary personal adventures, connected by illus¬ 
trative remarks and observations, he endeavours 
to allure them to the attainment of a knowledge 
of geography, and of the character, habits, cus¬ 
toms, and productions of foreign nations. 

The first volume of this very entertaining 
work is assigned to Africa. In this part, Mr. 
Bingley's authorities are Denon's Travels in 









the author’s writings. xiii 

Lower and Upper Egypt; Legh’s Tour on the 
banks of the Nile, between the first and second 
Cataracts; Bruce’s Travels to the source of the 
Nile; Brown’s Journey from Cairo to Dar Fur; 
Miss Tully’s Description of Tripoli; Jackson’s 
Account of Morocco; Adams’s Adventures in 
the Great Desert; Park’s first and last Journey 
into the interior of Africa; Winterbottom’s Ac¬ 
count of Sierra Leone; Bowdich’s Mission from 
Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee; Dalzel’s Ac¬ 
count of Dahomy; and Tuckey’s Expedition to 
explore the Zaire or Congo. 

The second volume is dedicated to South 
America. The information is derived princi¬ 
pally from Condamine’s Voyage down the Ama¬ 
zon from Peru to Brazil; Stedman’s Five Years’ 
Expedition against the revolted Negroes of Su¬ 
rinam; Bolingbroke’s Voyage to Demerara; 
Humboldt’s Voyage dowm theApure, and thence 
up the Oronoko; his Description of Cumana 
and the Caraccas, See .; Ulloa’s Travels in Peru; 
Humboldt’s Journey from Carthagena, through 
Peru to Lima; Helm’s Journey from Buenos 
Ayres, by Potosi, to Lima; Mawe’s Account of 
Monte Video, Santos, Rio de Janeiro, Villa 
Rica, Diamond Mines, &c.; and Lindley’s De¬ 
scription of Bahia. 

North America finds place in the third vo- 

f / *» 

lume; in which are comprised the various tours 




XIV 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


of Fearon, Weld, Hall, Birkbeck, Michaux, 
Bartram, Pike, Lewis and Clarke, Mackenzie, 
Ross, Parry, &c. 

Smith Europe will be found in the fourth vo¬ 
lume. Scott’s Description of Paris; Pinkney’s 
Journey from Paris to Orleans and Aix; Coxe’s 
Travels in Switzerland; Eustace’s Italy; Dod- 
well’s Description of Zante, and his Excursions 
through various parts of Greece; Southey’s 
Journey from Corunna to Madrid; Jacob’s 
Tours in the neighbourhood of Gibraltar, &c.; 
furnish matter for this portion of Mr. Bingley’s 
work. 

North Europe occupies the fifth volume. 
Mr. Bingley has collected his materials from 
Scott’s Excursions through the Netherlands; 
Mrs. RadclifFe’s Journey from Helveotsluys to 
Amsterdam, from Nimeguen to Coblentz and 
Friburg. Dr. Townson’s Travels through 
Hungary; D’Uklanski’s Excursions to Dresden 
and Poland; Coxe’s Travels in Poland and 
Denmark; Wraxall’s Journey to Berlin, &c.; 
Thomson’s Travels in Sweden; Von Buell’s 
Tour through Norway and Lapland; Clarke’s 
Travels through Russia; and James’s Journey 
from Moscow into Poland, along the course 
pursued by the French army. 

The sixth volume contains information rela¬ 
tive to Asia, Reference is made to Dr. Clarke’s 


THE AUTHOR’S WRITINGS. 


XV 


various Journeys; Ali Bey’s Journey from Acre, 
through Damascus, Aleppo, Antioch, &c.; 
Kinneirs Journey from Scutari to Scanderoon, 
and return through Iconium; Dallaway’s Ex¬ 
cursion along the western side of Asia Minor; 
Kinneir’s Journey from Erzerum, through Bag¬ 
dad, to the Persian Gulph; Niebuhr’s Travels 
in Arabia; Ali Bey’s Pilgrimage to Mecca; 
Morier’s Journey from Bushire to Ispahan, Te¬ 
heran, and Erzerum; Lord Valentia’s Journey 
from Tanjore to Madras, Seringapatam, and 
Mangalore; Hodge’s Journey from Calcutta to 
Agra; Elpliinstone’s Journey from Delhi into 
the Kingdom of Cabul; Turner’s Embassy 
from Calcutta into Tibet; Syme’s Embassy to 
Ava; Lord Macartney’s and Lord Amherst’s 
Embassy to China; and Gmelin’s Journey from 
Kazan into Siberia. 

Among Mr. B.’s more valuable labours, we 
must reckon his, X. “ Useful Knowledge, or a 
familiar Account of the various Productions of 
Nature, Mineral, Vegetable, and Animal, which 
are chiefly employed for the use of Man, and 
intended as a Work both of instruction and re¬ 
ference.” Three vols. 12mo. Third Edition. 

The object of the author was to compress all 
the interesting information that could be ob¬ 
tained respecting the various productions of 



XVI 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


nature, within as narrow a compass, and, at the 
same time, to render this information as enter¬ 
taining and as devoid of technical words and 
phrases, as possible. The reader will not here 
find an account of every production of nature 
which is employed for the use of man, nor even 
all the uses of such objects as are described. 
The most important of the productions, and the 
principal of the uses are indeed all that can be 
reasonably required in a work of the present 
extent. On this ground, a great number of 
animals which are in request only for food, have 
been wholly omitted. The author was aware, 
that, in some instances, the definitions are de¬ 
fective; but ascribes this defect to a necessity 
of rendering them short, and, at the same time, 
of using such terms as would be likely to con¬ 
vey information to the minds of persons, who 
have had no previous knowledge of the systems 
of natural history. We subjoin some testimo¬ 
nies to the merit of this publication. 

“ As a compendium of accurate information upon every 
subject connected with the mineral, vegetable, and animal 
kingdoms, we have not seen a more useful publication than 
this. 

“ To the library of the young, these volumes will be a 
most desirable addition.” British Critic for Sept. 3817. 

“ There is, we are persuaded, no class of readers to whom 
this book will not be both amusing and instructive. To 
those who have already studied the subjects in larger vrorks, 


tiie author’s writings. xvii 

it will serve to recal the particulars which are most inte¬ 
resting, and may be advantageously employed as a book of 
reference. Those, on the other hand, who have not enter¬ 
ed upon such inquiries, will find a great deal to gratify 
their curiosity, conveyed in an agreeable manner. 

“To young persons, especially young ladies, who have 
seldom an opportunity of studying large systems of natural 
history, we should particularly recommend this work.” 

Edinburgh Magazine, for May , 1817 * 

In 1822, Mr. Bingley edited a very useful 
publication, XI. “ The Economy of a Christian 
Life,” 12mo. The plan of this little work is to 
collect, into small compass, some of the most 
important maxims and rules of conduct that are 
laid down in the sacred writers; to arrange 
these under appropriate heads, in such manner 
that they should read connectedly with each 
other. The nature of this book may be under¬ 
stood by observing the head of each chapter. 
1. Attributes and works of God: 2. Govern¬ 
ment and providence of God: o. Nature and 
condition of man in consequence of his fall: 

4. Redemption and resurrection of man: 

5. Duty of man towards God: 6. Christian 
Sacraments: 7. General, and 8. Relative du¬ 
ties of mankind towards each other: 9. Duty of 
man as an individual: 10. Future rewards and 
punishments. 

The most popular of Mr. Bingley’s publican 


XV111 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


tions is his, XII. “ Animal Biography, or Po¬ 
pular Zoology; illustrated by authentic Anec¬ 
dotes of the economy, habits of life, instincts, 
and sagacity of the Animal Creation.” A sixth 
edition of this invaluable work, in four volumes, 
12 mo. was printed in 1824. In giving this 
work to the public, Mr. B. wishes to be under¬ 
stood as laying no claim whatever to attention, 
except on the score of utility. He has, how¬ 
ever, so far avoided the track of all former 
writers, that he has brought forward many new 
anecdotes and observations, which tend to pro¬ 
mote the study of this delightful science. Mr. 
B.’s inquiries are very creditable both to his 
taste and industry: the principal authorities 
quoted in the work, will be found to exceed 
one hundred and fifty, and thereby to include 
the accounts of nearly all the authentic travel¬ 
lers and historians, from the earliest periods to 
the present time. 

The principal intention of this w r ork is to ex¬ 
cite a taste for the study of natural history, in 
those persons, who have not hitherto attended 
to the subject. By confining his remarks almost 
exclusively to the habits of life, and instincts of 
the animals, Mr. B. endeavours to lead such of 
his readers, as may think the subject worth at¬ 
tention, into a train towards making observa¬ 
tions for themselves, in the grand volume of 


the author’s writings. xix 

nature, which lies always open for their pe¬ 
rusal. 

In composing these volumes, Mr. B. has, 
throughout, attended to every thing which he 
considered might be of use in juvenile instruc¬ 
tion ; and more particularly in the impression of 
moral and religious feelings. Every indelicate 
subject is scrupulously excluded. 

The system to which Mr. B. adheres in his 
arrangement, is that of Linnaeus, as corrected 
by Gmelin, Shaw, and a few other later writers. 
This, though not, perhaps, in every respect, so 
natural as some others, Mr. B. conceived the 
best calculated of any extant, to simplify and 
assist the study. 

This work has been translated into several 
European languages. The happy union of re¬ 
ligious feeling and philosophical precision, which 
characterizes the whole production, induced the 
venerable “ Society (held in Bartlett’s Buildings) 
for Promoting Christian Knowledge,” to enter 
this work upon their own immediate list of books. 
Our domestic journals have been unanimous in 
their commendations of this publication. 

Character of this Work from the Monthly Review for October, 
1803_“ We would recommend his (Mr. Bingley's) vo¬ 

lumes to those professed naturalists who may be desirous 
of revising, in an easy and methodical manner, some of the 
most interesting results of their former investigations;— 
to the student, who is now enabled, with no great expendi- 


XX 


BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 


ture of either time or trouble, to trace at once the outline 
of a great department of the Linnean system, and to trea¬ 
sure in his mind many of the curious facts connected with 
the history of animal creation; to the philosopher, who 
loves to speculate on the constitution and conduct of orga¬ 
nized beings;—and even to him who, without having it in 
his power to pursue any fixed plan of study, can occasion¬ 
ally devote an hour or two to rational recreation. From 
the perusal of these anecdotes, the young of both sexes may 
reap much entertainment and instruction, without encoun¬ 
tering a single passage which can alarm modesty, or wound 
those pure and simple feelings which constitute the orna¬ 
ment and comfort of our condition.” 

No less a degree of praise is bestowed by the 
British Critic, Annual Review, and Antijacobin, 
in the same year. 

XIII. Sixty of the most admired “ Welsh 
Airs,” collected by Mr. Bingley during his ex¬ 
cursions into Wales. These have been arranged 
for the piano forte, by Mr. Russell, organist of 
the Foundling Hospital. This work was pub¬ 
lished for Mr. Preston, Strand, in 1803. 

We have reason to believe, that Mr. Bing- 
ley’s character for industry, discernment, and in¬ 
tegrity, induced several respectable booksellers 
occasionally to procure his valuable services. 
We have not been able to ascertain the extent 
of these labours, some of them appearing, per¬ 
haps, as fugitive pieces in magazines, or as se¬ 
parate publications without his name. Under 


THE AUTHORS WRITINGS. 


XXI 


this description of his works, we must class his 
XIV. “ Musical Biography,” 2 vols. 8vo. 
1814, published for Colburn. This work con¬ 
tains memoirs of the lives and writings of the 
most eminent musical composers and writers, 
who have flourished in the different countries 
of Europe, during the three last centuries. 

XV. “ Visits to the Leveriun Museum,” 
(12mo. Tabart,) containing an account of seve¬ 
ral of its principal curiosities, both of nature and 
art: intended for the instruction of young per¬ 
sons, in the first principles of natural history. 

N 

In reviewing Mr. Bingley’s literary toils, we 
must not omit to state, that he had been occu¬ 
pied, during fifteen years, in arranging a His¬ 
tory of Hampshire. The unfortunate causes 
which interrupted and finally prevented the ex¬ 
ecution of this plan, are detailed in a pamphlet, 
entitled, “An explanatory Address, by the 
Rev. Vv r . Bingley, relative to the History of 
Hampshire; submitted to the Subscribers, in 
consequence of a Meeting called for that pur¬ 
pose, on the 17th May, 1817.” Published by 
R. Wilks, 89, Chancery Lane. At this time 
Mr. B.’s manuscript collections for this arduous 
undertaking, are stated by him to have amount¬ 
ed to nearly six thousand closely-written pages, 


XXli BRIEF ACCOUNT OF 

besides genealogical notes of more than four 
hundred families connected with the county. 
These manuscripts still remain in the possession 
of Mr. Bingley’s family. 

We conclude this brief notice of Mr. Bing¬ 
ley’s writings by adverting to, XVI. the present 
volume, the Roman Characters. In arranging 
this work, Mr. B. seems to have deviated from 
his original plan of exhibiting the eminent cha¬ 
racters of antiquity, by the medium of biogra¬ 
phical conversation. This alteration he would 
probably have explained, if his valuable labours 
had not been intercepted by sudden death. In 
one sense, however, this publication cannot be 
called posthumous, as, previously to his decease, 
it had proceeded under the author’s immediate 
eye, to the full size which had originally been 
assigned for the volume. What loose papers 
Mr. B. had left, explanatory of his purposes, 
were subjected to the judgment of a clerical 
friend of the deceased. This gentleman found, 
upon inspection, that, of the lives which Mr. 
B. had (apparently) intended to delineate, three 
were literary men, and the rest were warriors, 
whose actions had virtually been detailed, from 
being incorporated and mingled with those of 
their contemporaries. Under these circum¬ 
stances, it was judged more conducive to the 




THE AUTHOR’S WRITINGS. 


XX11I 


general interest of the subject, to substitute, in 
room of materials which had been in great de¬ 
gree anticipated, a brief sketch of Roman li¬ 
terature, and a notice of Mr. Bingley’s chief 
publications. 

The reader may wish to take a general con¬ 
spectus of the works, to which allusion has 
been made above. 

I. Lady PomfrePs Letters, 3 vols. 12mo. 1805. 

II. Memoirs of British Quadrupeds, 8vo. London, 1809. 

III. North Wales delineated, 8vo. 1814. 

IV. Animated Nature, 12mo. 1814. 

V. Introduction to Botany, l2mo. 1817* 

VI. Biographical Conversations on British Characters, 

third edition, 12mo. 1821. 

VII. —-- on the most eminent 

Voyagers, 1818. 

VIII. —-on Celebrated Travel* 

lers, 12mo. second edition, 1819. 

IX. Modei'n Travels, G vols. 12mo. 1823, with plates. 

1. Africa. 

2. South America. 

3. North America. 

4. South Europe. 

5. North Europe. 

C. Asia. 

X. Useful Knowledge, 3 vols. 12mo. third edition, 1821. 

XI. The Economy of a Christian Life, 12mo. 1822. 

XII. Animal Biography, sixth edition, 4 vols. 12mo. 1824. 

XIII. Collection of Welsh Airs. 

XIV. Musical Biography, 2 vols. 

XV. Visit to the Leverian Museum, 1 v©]. 12mo. 

XVI. Roman Characters. 




INDEX. 



Page. 

Albinovanus .... 


Ausonius . 


Brutus, L. J. 

9 

Caecilius. 

.... 315 

Caesar, Julius.... 

296, 319 

Camillus. 


Cato (Censor).... 

131, 314 

Cato (Utica). 

.... 243 

Catullus. 

.... 322 

Cicero. 

265, 318 

Cincinnatus. 

.... 42 

Claudian. 

.... 348 

Coriolanus. 

.... 27 

Curtius. 

.... 329 

Ennius. 

313, 316 

Eutropius. 

.... 347 

Fabius (Pietor) .. 

... 313 

Fabius (Maximus) 

.... 72 

Florus .. 

.. . 339 

Gellius, A. 

.... 347 

Gracchus, T. 

.... 165 

Gracchus, C. 

.... 174 

Horace. 

.... 324 

Justin. 

,... 346 

Juvenal. 

.... 345 

Livy, T. 

.... 320 

Livius, A. 

.... 313 

Lucan . 

.... 341 

Lucretius. 

.... 316 

Manilius. 

.... 326 

Marcellus, C. 

.... 92 

Marius, C. 


Martial ......... 

.... 343 

Metellus, Q. C. .. 

.... 217 


Page* 


Nsevius. 313 

Nepos . 319 

Numa. 1 

Ovid . 325 

Pacuvius .315 

Paterculus . 327 

Paulus y£m.. 150 

Phaedrus. 340 

Persius . ih. 

Petronius, A. 331 

Plautus.314 

Pliny (Younger).337 

Pliny (Elder) . 331 

Propertius.323 

Publicola, V. 18 

Quintilian.335 

Itegulus.290 

Sallust ..... .. 319 

Scipio African us. 107 

Seneca . 327 

Sertorius. 226 

Silius Ital. 343 

Statius, P. .. 342 

Suetonius.339 

Sy 11a, Cornelius . 199 

Svrus, P. ..325 

Tacitus...336 

Terence .315 

Tibullus . 322 

Valerius, F. 341 

Valerius, M.329 

Varro, M. T.318 

Virgil. 323 

Vitruvius. 322 




































































3&omaw ©Jjarartrrg. 


NUMA POMPILIUS. 


A Sabine nobleman , who succeeded Romulus as king of the 
Romans. 

He was born at Cures , a town of the Sabines , on the 21 st of 
April , in the 1o3d year before the birth of Jesus Christ. 


In his education , Numa appears to have had every 
advantage that the country in which he was born, and 
the time in which he lived, could afford; and his na¬ 
turally virtuous disposition was, afterwards, much 
improved by his moral and philosophical studies. 

Some adversities in early life, proved highly 
serviceable, not only in freeing his mind from 
wayward passions and propensities, but in coun¬ 
teracting the injurious tendency of those passions, 
which, by the world, are too frequently consi¬ 
dered virtues. He was early taught that wealth and 
power did not lead to happiness ; and, although mar¬ 
tial courage was, in his time, the subject of universal 
admiration, he became convinced that true fortitude 
consisted in the subjugation of the passions by the 
exercise of reason. Hence he was induced to banish 
from his house every thing which bore the charac¬ 
teristic of luxury and splendour. Most of his leisure 
hours were either occupied in benefiting his fellow- 
creatures, or consecrated to the honour of the gods: 
given up to the acquisition of such a knowledge of 
religion as could be attained at a period when the 
world was immersed in spiritual darkness; and to 






2 


NUMA. 


that work which constitutes the most sublime exer¬ 
cise of the human mind, the worship of the Great 
Creator. 

After he had attained the age of manhood, he re¬ 
sided, as a private nobleman, at his country-seat, near 
Cures; and, during his residence there, his household 
exhibited no indications either of false indulgence or 
of unnecessary expence. His amiable manners , his 
liberal disposition, and his kindness towards all his 
inferiors, occasioned him to be so universally be¬ 
loved, that, whenever any disputes occurred among 
his neighbours, he was applied to as a mediator, in 
appeasing their quarrels; and, in him, they invariably 
found a faithful counsellor and an upright judge. 

So great became his reputation, that Tatius, king 
of the Sabines, was induced to give him his daughter, 
in marriage. But this dignified alliance did not, in 
any degree, elevate the desires of Numa, or destroy 
that contented serenity of mind which he had previ¬ 
ously enjoyed. The disposition of his wife, in many 
respects, was similar to his own. He was disinclined 
to live in the same state as his father-in-law; and she 
preferred a life of obscurity and of happiness, with 
her husband, to all the splendour and all the honours 
of royalty. She survived her marriage thirteen 
years; and, after her death, Numa lived in greater 
seclusion than before. He seldom visited his native 
city, but passed most of his time in solitary medita¬ 
tion. Sometimes he would wander all night, alone, 
in the fields, and in the wildest and most solitary 
groves. Solitude, indeed, afforded to him a per¬ 
petual means of happiness; for it was accompanied 
with a love both of study and of piety. 

His favourite retreat was a grove, from a dark 
cavern in the centre of which flowed a clear and 
beautiful rivulet. To this grove he frequently re¬ 
paired; and, as the ancient historians assert, for the 
purpose of holding intercourse with a goddess, or 
wood-nymph, whom he called Egeria ; and by whose 


NUMA. 


3 


counsels, as they allege, he declared that all the most 
important actions of his life were conducted. 

In explanation of this circumstance, it is requisite to 
observe that the philosophical and religious doctrines 
of the ancients were, in many instances, purposely con¬ 
cealed under poetic and allegorical mythologies. To 
persons skilled in these mythologies, they served to con¬ 
vey some real and valuable instructions; but, by the 
majority of mankind, they were frequently misapplied; 
and, although they involved the most extraordinary 
absurdities, they were taken in a literal sense, as 
historical and authenticated facts. The story of 
Numa's intercourse with Egeria, if understood "liter¬ 
ally, is either excessively absurd, or brings upon his 
memory a heavy charge of imposture. But, if di¬ 
vested of its allegorical signification, it only implies 
that he was delighted with retired and silent abodes, 
in which, without interruption, he could exercise 
himself in study. If the character that has been 
given of Egeria be correctly examined, it will be 
found to have had no other than an allegorical ex¬ 
istence. Dionysius of Halicarnassus says, that some 
writers describe her, “ not as a nymph, but as one 
of the Muses.” Plutarch says the same; and adds 
that one of the titles or names of this Muse, was 
Tacila; and that, by her and by the rest of the 
M uses, Numa was inspired in all his public conduct. 
But, besides the apparent meaning of this poetic and 
philosophical mythology, Plutarch seems to have 
been of opinion, that something of greater importance 
was designated. It may, perhaps, have comprehend¬ 
ed some distant allusion to that sublime doctrine, 
which has constituted the chief happiness of the 
wisest philosophers of all ages: that the Deity con¬ 
descends to regard the pious meditations of the hum¬ 
ble and the devout. It is the doctrine of Truth it¬ 
self, that the Almighty will graciously communicate 
his spirit to those who sincerely ask it; increasing, 
daily, their real happiness, and inspiring them with 


4 


NUMA. 


the designs of all their future actions*. Plutarch 
states that, the reported intercourse of Numa with 
this imaginary goddess, led him to a knowledge and 
a happiness which were more than mortal. 

When Numa was in his fortieth year, and still 
living in retirement, ambassadors from Rome came 
to him, to entreat that he would accept the throne, 
which, by the death of Romulus, had become vacant. 
The Romans had imagined that he would gladly ac¬ 
cept the proffered dignity, but they were mistaken. 
From the foundation of their city, they had invariably 
been actuated by a warlike and enterprising spirit; 
whereas, Numa was a lover of retirement and of 
peace. To the ambassadors he thus replied: “For 
“ one who does not want the necessaries of life, and 
“ who is contented with his situation, it would be ab- 
“ surd to renounce his accustomed habits. These, if 
“theyhaveno other advantage, are at least certain, and 
“would, on that account alone, be preferable to such as 
“ are uncertain. The government that you olfer to 
“ me, presents not even an uncertainty with regard to 
“ danger, if we may judge by the fate of Romulus, 
“ who is suspected to have destroyed his colleague, 
“Tatius, and who is supposed to have lost his own life 
“by an act of equal injustice. Yet Romulus is be- 
“ lieved, by the Romans, to have been of divine origin. 
“ As for me, I am but of mortal race, brought up and 
“ educated in the midst of persons well known to you. 
“ The qualities also for which I am applauded, are not 
“ those that are suited to a Roman chieftain. I de- 
“ light not in assemblies of men, associated for the 
“ purposes of conquest; but in those of men who love 
“ to honour the gods, who occupy their time in culti ■ 
“ vating the earth, or tending their flocks, and all of 
“ whose pleasures are innocent. The Romans may, 
“ at this moment, be involved in wars commenced by 


* Roman Conversations, i. 16. 



NUMA. 


5 


“ their late monarch; and to terminate these in a way 
“ that would be satisfactory to them, they would need 
“ an active and enterprising commander. A person 
“ like myself, who has set his heart upon the promo- 
“ tion of religion and of justice, would probably soon 
“become contemptible in a city which appears to have 
“more occasion for a general than for a king.” 

In a hope of being able to remove his objections, 
the ambassadors stated that the Romans were now 
ardently desirous of peace; and that there was no 
other person than himself, whom all parties could 
agree to elect as their king. Their arguments, how¬ 
ever, were of no avail; and they were obliged to 
retire, unsuccessful in their application. 

After they had departed, the father and the friends 
of Numa urged him, in the most impressive manner, 
not to reject this great and valuable gift of Heaven. 
They stated that if, contented with his present con¬ 
dition, he aspired neither to wealth nor to sovereign¬ 
ty, yet that he ought to consider how much more it 
might be in his power to benefit mankind in the ele¬ 
vated station to which he was called, than in that 
which he now held. After much persuasion, they in¬ 
duced him to assent to the wishes of the Roman peo¬ 
ple, who, not long afterwards, came, in a body, to 
solicit his acceptance of the government. 

We have now to speak of Numa as a monarch. 
No sooner was he invested with the regal dignity, 
than he expressed his piety, by publicly offering 
sacrifice to the gods. He then set out on his journey 
to Rome; and the senate and the people, unanimous 
in their admiration of him, met him on the way. The 
populace welcomed him with shouts of joy; and the 
temples were crowded with persons offering sacrifi¬ 
ces of thanksgiving to the gods, for having blessed 
them with so estimable a ruler. On his arrival at 
the Roman Forum, the usual ensigns of royalty were 
presented to him; but he would not accept them 
until his devotions had been paid to Heaven, and the 


6 


NUMA. 


requisite prayers for the prosperity of his reign had 
been offered to that Being, from whom all blessings 
flow. 

One of the first acts of his government was to dis¬ 
charge a body-guard of three hundred men, whom 
Romulus had always kept about his person : for he 
neither chose to distrust those who had placed con¬ 
fidence in him, nor to reign over a people who could 
distrust him. By his prudent and equitable conduct, 
he reduced this savage people to a state of civili¬ 
zation, which they had not before attained. 

Two objects to which he directed his most anx¬ 
ious attention, were the encouragement of religion , 
and the maintenance of peace. The religion which 
he introduced, essentially contributed to the happi¬ 
ness of the city, because it served to establish 
order and regularity. But it was not from political 
motives only that Numa was led to encourage a 
spirit of piety among his subjects. He was influ¬ 
enced by motives infinitely more exalted than these: 
by the genuine dictates of his heart. Unenlightened 
by the pure spirit of revelation, he was, indeed, ignorant 
of the nature of true devotion; but he fully acted up 
to the lights which he had received. He conse¬ 
crated many places of worship, erected temples and 
altars, instituted festivals, and drew up a code of 
laws relative to religion. By himself regularly at¬ 
tending the public worship, he gave to his people an 
undeviating example of piety. In his laws he directs 
that “ none shall presume to appear in the presence 
of tiie gods, but with pure hearts and sincere devo¬ 
tion : that none shall make there a vain and ostenta¬ 
tious display of wealth, lest they thereby excitp the 
anger of Heaven: that no one shall represent the 
Deity in the form either of a man or a beast;” and 
Plutarch asserts that there was no painted nor gra¬ 
ven image in the Roman temples and sanctuaries, 
during nearly one hundred and seventy years. 
Numa likewise prohibited all bloody sacrifices, and 


NUMA. 


7 


directed, instead, that loaves and meal should be 
presented to the gods, with libations of wine and 
milk. For the purpose of influencing the minds of 
men to principles of integrity, and giving stability to 
contracts, he erected an altar, and instituted a yearly 
festival to what he denominated Bona Fides, or 
“ Good Faith.” Among other religious offices, he 
instituted those of the high priests and augurs. Im¬ 
pressed with a notion that the world was under the 
protection of a Divine Providence, he believed that, 
at the prayers of the devout and sincere worshipper, 
the Almighty would condescend to indicate, by cer¬ 
tain natural occurrences, such as the particular flight, 
the chirping and appearance of birds, his approba¬ 
tion or disapprobation of the intentions and proceed¬ 
ings of mankind ; and the college of augurs, which 
Numa founded, was intended to have the superin¬ 
tendance of this part of the religious office. He 
likewise erected a temple to Vesta, and increased the 
number of Vestal virgins or priestesses, who had the 
guardianship of the sacred fire. 

Among his institutions for the government of the 
city , one of the most important was his distribution 
of the citizens into companies, according to their arts 
and trades. Previously to this they had been dis¬ 
tinguished as two nations, the Sabines and Romans, 
who were perpetually quarrelling; but, by the new 
arrangement, the whole population being divided into 
small bodies, they lost the characteristics by which 
they had previously been separated, and lived toge¬ 
ther in tranquillity and happiness. 

Numa also corrected the law which empowered 
fathers to sell their children for slaves; and directed 
that the boundaries of every man’s possessions should 
be marked by means of stones. These stones he 
rendered sacred, by consecrating them to Jupiter 
Terminalis; and the person who demolished, or who 
wantonly displaced them, was considered guilty of 
sacrilege, and w r as liable to suffer death. 


8 


NUMA. 


He effected a reformation in the calendar, by di¬ 
viding the year into twelve months, according to the 
course of the moon; and, because the moon does not 
complete the number, of thirty days in each month, 
he completed his years, by contriving what is called 
an intercalary month, which was inserted after that 
of February, in every other year. 

In short, so beneficial were his institutions, and so 
prudent was his conduct, that during a reign of 
forty-three years, he preserved the country in peace 
and tranquillity. By his mildness, his equity, and 
benevolence, he calmed and softened the temper, 
not only of his own people, but of the inhabitants of 
the adjacent states. He, in a considerable degree, 
succeeded in civilizing that band of robbers which 
the Romans, till his time, must have been; and in 
introducing among them a love of tranquillity and 
order, of moderation and justice. Instead of the 
madness and misery of war, there now prevailed an 
ardent love of peace: the pursuits of agriculture had 
succeeded to those of rapine; and individual happi¬ 
ness and national piety were prevalent throughout 
the state. Numa was more than eighty years of age 
when he died; having, says Dionysius of Halicarnas- 
sus, experienced, during all this time, neither infir¬ 
mity nor misfortune ; and at length expiring, worn 
out with age. His body was interred in a stone cof¬ 
fin, on one of the hills of Rome; and several books 
which he had written, on philosophy and religion, 
were buried, in another coffin, by his side *• 

Authorities.— Plutarch , Livy , and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 


* About five hundred years after his death, the body of Numa was, acciden¬ 
tally, dug up, and with it, his books are said to have been found. They, how¬ 
ever, are stated to have been publicly burnt by order of the senate, for’ having 
contained many sentiments prejudicial to the religion, as it was at that time es¬ 
tablished. 




9 


LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 

# 1 , ‘JT£ 

A principal agent in the expulsion of the Tarquins from the throne 
of Rome , and one of the founders of the republic. 

He was killed in battle , by Aruns , the son of Tar quin , in the year 
244 of Rome, and 510 years before the birth of Christ. 


The father of this eminent Roman was Marcus 
Junius, a descendant from one of the chiefs of the 
colony which had been planted in Italy by iEneas : 
his mother was a sister of Tarquin the Proud. 

Tarquin had usurped the crown of Rome, against 
the consent of the senate and the people. To obtain 
it he had murdered his father-in-law, his sister, and 
his wife; and his whole reign was marked by injus¬ 
tice and oppression. He had enslaved the people, 
slaughtered many of the nobility; and, despising the 
laws of the country, had appropriated their posses¬ 
sions to his own use. 

Marcus Junius, his brother and eldest son, had all 
been privately murdered by command of the despot; 
and Lucius, whose talents and acquirements were 
much beyond those of his contemporaries in general, 
perceiving that the only mode by which he could 
escape destruction, was to affect a state of mental in¬ 
capacity, assumed the manner and the character of 
an ideot. Thus, although he w r ould have found no 
protection ^from justice, did he find security in con¬ 
tempt. Tarquin, despising his apparent imbecility, 
gave him the surname of Brutus , or “ fool;” and suf¬ 
fered him to reside in the palace, for the amusement 
of his sons. Lucius had prudence enough to ex¬ 
hibit no symptoms of dislike, either to his name, or 
to the mode in which he was treated; but resolved, 
patiently to wait, in the hope that a time would ar¬ 
rive, when he could, with safety, throw off his dis- 

b 3 



10 


LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


guise, and not only liberate himself, but aid in libera¬ 
ting his country from the power of the tyrant. 

Whilst he was in this state of servitude, a famine 
raged in Rome, so dreadful that Tarquin, alarmed 
lest his own family should suffer from it, was induced 
to send his sons to Delphi, with propitiatory offer¬ 
ings to Apollo, of immense value. Brutus accom¬ 
panied them; and is said to have much amused the 
youths, by carrying, as an offering to that god, a 
staff formed of cornel wood. But they were igno¬ 
rant that this staff was hollow, and contained a 
golden wand. “ Thus (says Livy) was it an emblem 
“ of the state of his own mind: for, under a contempt- 
“ ible exterior, it concealed a treasure of great value.” 
It is also related that the young men, anxious to 
ascertain, from the oracle, which of them should ob¬ 
tain the sovereignty of Rome, received, as an an¬ 
swer to their enquiry, that “ the first who should 
“kiss his mother should possess the supreme power.” 
In their perplexity they are said to have drawn lots, 
for the purpose of determining which of them, on his 
return to Rome, should first salute his mother. But 
Brutus, supposing that the import of the prediction 
was not quite so obvious as the youths had ima¬ 
gined, fell, as if by accident, upon the ground, and 
touched, with his lips, the earth, as the common pa¬ 
rent of all mankind. 

Some time after this, Sextus Tarquinius, the eldest 
son of Tarquin, having used violence with Lucrctia , 
the wife of his kinsman Collatinus, she was resolved 
not to survive the insult; but, after having declared 
the crime of Sextus, stabbed herself in the presence 
of her father, her husband, and several of the Roman 
nobles. Brutus, roused almost to madness, by this 
additional act of wickedness, elevated his hands to¬ 
wards heaven, in agony at the crime; declared that 
his character had hitherto been an assumed one , and 
that henceforth it was his determination to join his 



LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


11 


countrymen in ridding themselves of their oppres¬ 
sors. 

He accompanied Publius Valerius and some others 
to the house of Lucretia. The body was lying life¬ 
less upon the floor. Brutus drew from the wound 
the poignard with which the unhappy lady had stab¬ 
bed herself, and, exhibiting it to the assembled com¬ 
pany, they all bound themselves by an oath, to ex¬ 
pel ihe Tarquin family for ever from Rome; and 
thus to punish the authors of the many crimes that 
had been committed. The opportunity for this 
seemed a favourable one: Tarquin was himself em¬ 
ployed in the siege of Ardea, a town about twelve 
miles distant from Rome; and, during his absence, 
the father of Lucretia had been entrusted with the 
government of the city. 

At the suggestion of Brutus a guard was placed 
near the city gates, to prevent intelligence of their pro¬ 
ceedings from being conveyed to Tarquin. He then 
proposed that the body, stained as it was with blood, 
should be conveyed into the forum, and exposed to 
the public view: that, when the people were assembled, 
the father and the husband of Lucretia should re¬ 
count the particulars of her death; and, lastly, that 
himself and others should then rise up, inveigh 
against the tyranny of the Tarquins, and exhort the 
citizens to unite in obtaining their liberty. 

Valerius suggested a difficulty, which he was fear¬ 
ful they could not overcome. He said that they 
were not empowered legally to assemble the people 
for the purpose of putting any public measure to the 
vote; but Brutus instantly replied: “I will assemble 
“ them. I am the commander of the Celeres*', and, 
“ as such, have a power, by law, of assembling the 
“ people. Tarquin invested me with this power, when 
“ he thought me a fool, and from a presumption that 


* The Celeres were the Roman body-guards. 




n 


LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


“ I should neither be sensible of the importance, nor 
“ know how to use it. I will assemble them,, and will 
“ myself pronounce the first harangue against the 
“ tyrant.” 

The requisite arrangements having been made, 
and prayers having been offered to the gods, for 
assistance in their just designs, the company pro¬ 
ceeded to the forum. They were followed by the 
domestics of Collatinus, who carried, upon a bier, 
the body of Lucretia, covered with a black cloth and 
stained with blood. On their arrival at the place, it 
was exposed in a conspicuous situation, before the 
senate; and, the people being called together, an im¬ 
mense multitude was collected there, from all parts 
of the city. 

Brutus ascended the tribunal from which it was 
customary to address the people. He stated to them 
that he had assumed the character of an ideot, as 
the only means of preserving his life; and he re¬ 
counted the injuries which himself and his family had 
sustained from the wickedness of Tarquin, asserting 
that he had persevered in his disguise for five and 
twenty years, and that only, by so doing, he had been 
preserved from destruction. He asserted further, that 
Tarquin had obtained the sovereignty of Rome, con¬ 
trary to the established laws and customs of the na¬ 
tion; and that, having been a scourge instead of a 
blessing to his subjects, he had surpassed, in haugh¬ 
tiness and oppression, all the tyrants by whom the 
world had hitherto been afflicted. He stated that 
were even Tarquin himself now to die, they might 
have three Tarquins, all of them even worse and 
more unprincipled than their father. He dwelt upon 
the particulars relative to the death of Lucretia, 
whose body lay dead before them; and he so wrought 
upon their feelings, that his whole speech was re¬ 
ceived by the people with loud and incessant accla¬ 
mations. When he had finished, it was unanimously 
resolved that the Tarquins, and all their posterity, 












LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


13 


should be banished not only from Rome, but from 
the Roman territory; and that the supreme power 
should, thenceforth, be vested in two persons, who 
should be chosen annually, and have the title of con- 
sals or “ counsellors.” 

In justification of this dethronement of Tarquin , 
it must be remarked not only that he had acted in 
an oppressive manner towards his subjects, that he 
had unjustly deprived many of them of their life, 
others of their freedom, and others of their preperty; 
but that he had usurped the throne: that, before his 
time, the Roman government had been a limited 
monarchy, consisting of a king, a senate, and the 
people; and that Tarquin, by assuming to himself 
the entire authority, and excluding the other two 
orders from any share in the government, had, ille¬ 
gally, converted it into a tyranny. It is remarked, 
by Livy, that Brutus would have acted in a manner 
very injurious to the public good, if, through an 
over anxious zeal for liberty, he had wrested the 
government from any other than from a prince like 
Tarquin; and, particularly, if, after having so done, he 
had given it into the hands of the Roman populace, 
whom he describes to have been a rabble of malefac¬ 
tors, slaves, and fugitives from other countries, and 
who would thus have only acquired the liberty of 
acting without restraint, under the protection of an 
inviolable asylum. Brutus, indeed, was sufficiently 
cautious not to give full power into the hands of 
those who, he was well aware, knew not how to be¬ 
nefit even themselves by the possession of it. The 
origin of Roman liberty is dated from this time, but 
rather on account of the consular power having been 
limited to the period of twelve months, than of any 
diminution having been made in the authority which 
had been possessed by the kings. 

The assembly was dismissed, and the people were 
directed to hasten to the field where they had been 
accustomed to choose their magistrates, and-there to 


14 


LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


nominate the consuls. They did so, and the persons 
elected were Brutus and Collatinus. 

Information of these proceedings having been 
conveyed to Tarquin, he took with him his two sons, 
Titus and Aruns, and rode, with all possible speed, 
to the city, in a hope that he might be able to stop 
the progress of the revolt. But, on his arrival there, 
he found the gates shut against him, and all the bat¬ 
tlements occupied by armed men. He returned to 
to his camp; but, finding that the army also had 
joined in the revolt, he fled thence into Etruria. 

One of the first acts of the consuls was to fill up 
the vacant places in the senate. They then increased 
the power of that body, by making the whole num¬ 
ber three hundred instead of two hundred; and 
afterwards caused the people to take an oath never 
to recal the Tarquins; nor, in future, to suffer any 
person to assume the title of king. 

Tarquin sent ambassadors to Rome, to propose 
terms of accommodation. These were all rejected; 
but, during the residence of the ambassadors in the 
city, they sought to effect a counter-revolution , by 
privately corrupting some of the principal persons. 
Among these were Titus and Tiberius, sons of Bru¬ 
tus; two Vitellii, Marcus and Marius, brothers of the 
wife of Brutus; and two Aquilii, Lucius and Mar- 
cius, sons of the sister of Collatinus. 

It seems remarkable that the sons of Brutus could 
have been so much misled as to have become agents 
in endeavouring to restore a tyrant so detestable as 
Tarquin, and by whom their own family had been 
so deeply injured: and it seems still more remark¬ 
able that they should have been so blind to the vir¬ 
tues of their father, as thus to have acted in direct 
opposition to his proceedings. Had the project of 
Tarquin been effected, these youths would have been 
instrumental in the destruction of the senate and the 
people; and the life of their father would have been 
sacrificed to their treachery. 




LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


15 


The plot, however, was discovered. The crimi¬ 
nals were apprehended; and it was the duty of the 
consuls to try them for the offence , and to pronounce 
upon them the sentence of the law. Titus and Ti¬ 
berius were first accused. What an afflicting situa¬ 
tion for a parent, to sit in judgment upon his own 
children! Unanswerable proofs of their guilt were 
adduced; proofs which they did not even attempt to 
controvert. As soon as the trial was ended, a melan¬ 
choly silence pervaded the assembly. A few of the 
senators, willing to favour Brutus, suggested the 
punishment of exile. The tears of Collatinus and 
of Valerius, gave some hope of mercy. But Brutus, 
calling upon each of his sons by name, said : “ You, 
“ Titus, and you, Tiberius, make your defence to the 
“ charge adduced against you.” They were thus 
questioned three times, but made no answer. Bru¬ 
tus, then turning to the lictors, firmly exclaimed: 
“Yours is the part that remains.” The lictors 
seized the youths, stripped off their garments, and, 
having bound their hands behind them, first severely 
flogged, and afterwards beheaded them. All the 
spectators, Brutus excepted, are said to have turned 
their eyes aside, unable to endure so heart-rending a 
sight. He looked steadily and sternly upon his 
sons, until their punishment was complete. Then, 
says Plutarch, when their headless bodies were ex¬ 
tended upon the ground, he departed, leaving to his 
colleague the completion of the business, and the 
whole assembly involved in horror and astonishment. 
It is, however, stated by Livy that, during the whole 
time of the execution, the countenance of Brutus be¬ 
trayed the emotions of his heart, and that the feel¬ 
ings of the father often forced their way through the 
character of the magistrate. 

This conduct of Brutus has been variously 
represented. Some writers have ranked him among 
the most illustrious of heroes; as one who 
restored liberty to his country, and secured it even 


16 


LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


by the blood of his sons: others have considered 
that the excess of his resentment depressed his soul 
into insensibility. Some have represented the action 
as divine, and others have esteemed it savage and 
brutal. In fact, he had a most distressing task to 
accomplish. Gladly, no doubt, would he have for¬ 
given the ingratitude of his sons towards himself; 
but he could not, with justice, protect them from 
the insulted laws of his country. Their guilt was 
clearly established; and, if they had not suffered 
the punishment due to their crime, there was no law 
by which other traitors could be punished. His 
resolute conduct proved the safety of the state: 
had he wavered, the government would have been 
overthrown; but, by his firmness, it was established. 
It is, however, undeniable, that his witnessing the 
execution was an unnecessary part of the ceremonial. 
After the conviction had taken place, and sentence 
had been pronounced, nothing further seems to have 
been requisite from him: he could then have de¬ 
parted from the tribunal, and have left the melan¬ 
choly completion of the business to his colleague. 

The Aquilii, the relations of Collatinus, were next 
brought before the tribunal; but Collatinus was de¬ 
sirous of treating them with lenity. Valerius, by 
whom they had been apprehended, called for Brutus. 
Much confusion having, for some time, prevailed, 
Brutus at length returned, and the people appealed 
to him. They requested his interference, and de¬ 
manded justice against the Aquilii, as well as against 
the youths who had already suffered. He, however, 
replied: “ It is sufficient for me to have pronounced 
“ judgment on my own sons: I must leave these to 
“ the judgment of the people.” The subject was put 
to the vote, and they were unanimously condemned 
to die. 

The conduct of Collatinus, on this occasion, gave 
so much offence, that Brutus declared he would cause 
him to be deprived of the magistracy. The effect 



LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. 


17 


of this threat was, that he abdicated the consulate, 
and Publius Valerius was elected in his stead. 

Tar quin, disappointed in all his hopes, resolved, 
as a last resource, to seek for success in open war. 
He induced the inhabitants of Veii and Tarquinia, 
two cities of Etruria, to espouse his cause; -and, hav¬ 
ing assembled a considerable force, he advanced into 
the Roman territories. The consuls marched out to 
give him battle; Valerius having the command of the 
infantry, and Brutus of the cavalry. The cavalry of 
the enemy was commanded by Aruns, one of the 
sons of Tarquin. When the armies were drawn up 
for battle, Aruns advanced in front of the ranks, and, 
approaching the Roman lines, uttered the most irri¬ 
tating and abusive language against, Brutus; and 
finally challenged him to decide the fate of Rome by 
single combat. Deaf to the entreaties and the re¬ 
monstrances of his friends, Brutus rushed out from 
the ranks; and Aruns, urging on his horse, with all 
his force, to meet him, they each received his adver¬ 
sary’s spear, through the shield, into his body. The 
chests of the horses came in contact, by the violence 
of the motion; the animals reared, and, throwing 
back their heads, flung their riders upon the ground, 
where they lay struggling in agony, whilst streams of 
blood issued from their wounds. 

No sooner had the leaders fallen, than the two 
armies, with a tremendous shout, rushed into com¬ 
bat. A dreadful carnage ensued; for the combat¬ 
ants were separated only by the close of day. They 
then retired to their camps; but Valerius , in the 
night, marched out, surprised the forces of Tarquin, 
and obtained over them a signal victory. 

The body of Brutus , adorned with crowns in token 
of his bravery, was carried into Rome, by the most 
distinguished of the Roman officers. It was met by the 
senate, accompanied by nearly the whole populace of 
the city, who had prepared, for the refreshment of 
the army, tables spread with food and bowls of wine. 


18 


PUBLIUS VALERIA PUBLICOLA. 


Valerius, the surviving consul, entered the city in 
triumph. On the ensuing day, he appeared in a 
mourning habit; and, having caused the body of 
Brutus to be properly adorned, and placed, in the 
forum, upon a magnificent bier, he assembled the 
people, and pronounced over it a funeral oration. 

Thus died Lucius Junius Brutus, who subverted 
the Roman monarchy, and was himself the first 
consul. Though it was late before he attained dis¬ 
tinction, and though he flourished but a short time, 
(not quite twelve months,) yet he acquired a celebrity 
which will endure to the latest period of history. 
By the Romans his character was regarded with so 
much admiration, that the matrons unanimously 
agreed to wear mourning for him, a whole year, in 
the same manner as for their nearest relatives; and a 
statue of brass was erected to his memory in the 
capitol, commemorative of his having been the 
founder of the Roman commonwealth. 

Authorities .—Dionysius of Halicarnassus , Livy, and Plutarch , 
in the life of Publicola. 


PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA. 


An eminent Roman statesman and commander ; one of the founders 
of the Republic. 

He died about the year 250 of the city , and 503 years before the 
time of Jesus Christ. 


Publius Valerius, who was descended from an 
ancient and honourable fa mily in Rome, was distin¬ 
guished for his eloquence and wealth. The former 
he is said to have employed in defence of the op- 















PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA 


19 


pressed, and the latter in relief of those who were in 
need. 

The earliest circumstance that is recorded of him, is 
his having been requested, after the expulsion of Tar- 
quin, to assume the temporary government of Rome , 
for the purpose of arranging the establishment of a 
republic. Plutarch says that he w r as invited to ac¬ 
cept the government, but that he yielded it in favour 
of his friend, Lucius Junius Brutus. He expected to 
have been chosen one of the first consuls, but was 
disappointed. He, however, continued firm in the 
cause of the republic, v r as active in suppressing all 
conspiracies against it, and in frustrating all attempts 
for the restoration of the tyrant. Notwithstanding 
this, the people imagined that, because he had not 
experienced any personal injury from Tarquin, he 
might, possibly, be induced to retrace his steps, and 
to part take with the man in whose dethronement he 
had been one of the most active agents. He con¬ 
sidered himself insulted by their suspicions, withdrew 
from the senate, forbore to attend the meetings at 
the forum, and, for a while, refused all concern in 
the public affairs. 

Brutus, how'ever, though he was not without 
suspicion of some other persons, had full confidence 
in Valerius; and he resolved to try the fidelity of 
the senators by the test of an oath, which he pro¬ 
posed they should take, on a particular day of so¬ 
lemn sacrifice. At the time appointed, Valerius v r as 
the first to enter the forum, and to make oath, that he 
never would assent to any terms of agreement with 
Tarquin; but that, with his sword, he would main¬ 
tain the Roman liberty to the utmost of his power. 

In the memoir of Brutus it has been stated that 
ambassadors from Tarquin endeavoured to effect a 
counter revolution in favour of their master, by cor¬ 
rupting some of the Roman youth ; particularly two 
sons of Brutus, two young men of the family of Vi- 
telii, and two of the Aquilii. 


20 


PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA. 


These met, by appointment, in a dark and retired 
apai tment, for the purpose of consulting respecting 
the manner in which the restoration of Tarquin 
might be effected. But a slave, named Vindicius, 
happening to be in the apartment, when they en¬ 
tered, was alarmed at the caution which he saw 
adopted; and, fearful respecting his own safety, con¬ 
cealed himself behind a chest. Here he heard the 
conspirators declare an intention to attempt the as¬ 
sassination ol the consuls, and saw them write letters 
on the subject. I hese, as he understood, were to be 
sent to Tarquin by the ambassadors. As soon as 
the business was concluded, they withdrew, and 
Vmdicius, after some time deliberating in what 
manner to act, hastened to Valerius, and related to 
him the occurrence. Overwhelmed with astonish- 
ment, Valenus shut the man up in a room, and left 
his wife to guard the door. He then ordered his 
brother to surround the late king’s palace with 
troops, to seize his papers, and secure his servants ; 
whilst, with another body of troops, he proceeded to 
the house of the Aquilii. Here he obtained posses¬ 
sion of the very letters which the slave had men¬ 
tioned. Jtie Aquilii endeavoured to escape; but 
after much struggling, Valerius secured them by 
twisting their gowns around their necks, and thus 
dragging them through the streets, to the forum. 

I he brother of Valerius was also successful at the 
palace; for there, many other letters were found 
and several of the royal servants were secured. 

1 he particulars of the trial and condemnation of 
the conspirators have already been related, together 
with the circumstances which induced Collatinus to 
abdicate the consulship*. 

. Af ter resignation of Collatinus, a new elec¬ 
tion took place, and Valerius was declared consul . 


* See the memoir of Lucius Junius Brutus, p. 15 , 














PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA. 21 

% 

This was considered as only a proper return of 
gratitude for his late zeal and his important services 
in favour of the republic. 

Whilst these proceedings were taking place in 
Rome, Tar quin, having no alternative left but that of 
open war, induced the inhabitants of some neigh¬ 
bouring cities to join him, in endeavouring to reco¬ 
ver his former rights. At the head of a powerful 
force, he marched towards his late capital. The 
consuls, Brutus and Valerius, led out the Roman 
troops to oppose him; and, after a dreadful conflict, 
in which Brutus, and about eleven thousand troops 
were slain, the Romans proved victorious, and Tar- 
quin and his allies were totally routed. 

Valerius collected the spoils, and returned with them 
in triumph to Rome. After this success, the populace 
began to imagine that he might possibly apply his in¬ 
fluence over the army in endeavouring to make himself 
a king. They pretended to ground their opinion on 
the facts, that, in the place of Brutus, he had not 
hitherto demanded the election of a consul; and that 
he had built a house too superb for a citizen; and in 
a situation, on the summit of Mount Velia, so lofty 
that it overlooked and commanded the forum. 

In this instance Valerius considered it better to 
submit to the will of the people than to resist. He 
immediately fixed a day for the election of a consul; 
and having caused the people to be assembled, he 
thus addressed them: “Fellow citizens, the house of 
“ Publius Valerius shall no longer be an obstruction to 
“ your freedom. The Velian Mount shall be secure to 
“ you. I will not only bring my house to the plain, 
“ but I will fix it beneath the hill, that your dwelling 
“ may overlook that of our suspected countryman;" 
or, says Dionysius of Halicarnassus, “ that you may 
“ stone me from the hill, if you find me guilty of any 
“ crime.” 

He collected an immense number of workmen, 


22 PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA. 

and, in one night, demolished his house. When, 
in the morning, the Romans beheld the havoc 
that had been made, they unanimously extolled the 
magnanimity of Valerius; but all sensible men were 
grieved to see so magnificent an edifice ruined by 
the envy of the citizens; and to behold their consul 
compelled, by an absurd caprice, to seek for shelter 
in the dwelling of another man. 

Valerius, however, appears to have been a deep 
and skilful politician. His experience had fully in¬ 
structed him what kind of a people he had to manage; 
and, by this and other concessions , such as ordering 
the axes to be taken out of the fasces, that they 
might not, as before, terrify the beholders; and com¬ 
manding the lictors to lower them in the assemblies 
of the people, by way of homage to their power, he 
obtained so great an influence over them, that they 
seem, afterwards, to have submitted implicitly to his 
will, on almost all occasions. As a recompence for 
his obedience to their wishes, they honoured him 
with the surname of Publicola, signifying “ a man 
esteemed by the people;” and by this name he was 
ever afterwards distinguished. 

He occasioned some beneficial laws to be enacted, 
and some which were excessively severe. Among 
the latter was one which was liable to great abuse : 
it authorized the killing of any man who should at¬ 
tempt to assume the regal office. The person who 
committed the act, was to be exempt from punish¬ 
ment, if he could bring proof of such intention in the 
man whom he slew. 

Tarquin, after his defeat, fled for protection to 
Laras Porsena, king of Clusium , at that time the 
most powerful prince in Italy, and a man eminent 
both for valour and integrity. Commiserating the 
situation of a monarch excluded from his throne, 
Porsena not only promised him assistance, but inti¬ 
mated to the Romans, that, if they did not restore 
to him his rights and dignity, he would march an 














PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA. 


23 


army immediately to Rome. Publicola was, at this 
time, absent from the city; and the senate and the 
people were all excessively terrified. Fearing lest 
the populace, in their terror, might once more sub¬ 
mit to a regal government, the senate again elected 
Publicola to the office of consul, and adopted the 
most conciliatory measures towards the people, to 
preserve unanimity in the state. 

The proposition made by Porsena being rejected, 
that prince assembled his troops, and marched to¬ 
wards the city. The Roman forces, headed by the 
two consuls, were drawn up near the bank of the 
Tiber, at a little distance from the city gates. Here 
they were attacked by the enemy. In the encounter, 
Publicola and his colleague were both severely 
wounded; and it was only by an astonishing effort 
of personal bravery that the city was preserved. 
The courage of the Romans wholly forsook them, 
and they retreated within their walls for security. 
The enemy pursued them to their entrenchments, 
and would have entered the city, had they not, at a 
wooden bridge over the river Tiber, been stopped by 
only three persons, Horatius Codes , and two other 
men of rank. Codes was on guard at the bridge. 
All the Romans, except two, were so cowardly as to 
pass him. As soon as they had passed, Codes ad¬ 
vanced to the entrance, and called aloud to those in 
the rear, to break down the bridge. He was posted 
in a situation so advantageous, that, although the 
javelins of the enemy were poured thick upon him, 
lie was enabled to guard himself with his shield, and 
he undauntedly kept his post. The enemy, by a 
sudden and furious onset, were about to push him, 
from his station, into the river, when the sudden 
crash of the falling bridge, and, at the same instant, 
a tremendous shout raised by the Roman soldiers, on 
accomplishing their object, filled his opponents with 
dismay, and deterred them from their purpose. 
Codes then, though clad in armour, plunged into the 


24 PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA. 

Tiber, and swam to the city. . Grateful for this 
unexpected rescue, the Romans passed a decree 
that every citizen should give to him one day’s pro¬ 
vision : that he should be rewarded with as much 
land as he could plough round in a day; and that 
a brazen statue should be erected of him, in the tem¬ 
ple of Vulcan. 

Porsena, unable to take the city by force, drew 
his army around it in the hope of being able to re¬ 
duce it by famine. But, afterwards, becoming dis- - 
gusted with the conduct of Tarquin, a reconciliation 
was effected betwixt him and the Romans, and a 
treaty of peace was agreed upon. As a security for 
fulfilling the conditions of the peace, ten young men 
and as many females, of the highest families in Rome, 
were given by the Romans as hostages. Among the 
latter was Valeria, the daughter of Publicola. On 
the faith of the treaty that had been made, Porsena 
ceased from all acts of hostility; and the Roman 
virgins were so far permitted to have their liberty, 
that thev could bathe unmolested in the Tiber. One 
day they swam over the river, encouraged by a vir¬ 
gin named Cloelia, who passed over, on horseback, 
before the rest. When they had reached the oppo¬ 
site shore, they hastened to the house of Publicola. 
He, however, extremely disapproved of their daring 
enterprise; and, lest their escape should cause the 
Romans to be suspected of dishonourable conduct, 
he immediately sent them all back. Tarquin en¬ 
deavoured, but in vain, to intercept their return; 
and, on their arriving in the presence of Porsena, the 
latter commanded one of his own horses, furnished 
with elegant trappings, to be brought out and pre¬ 
sented to Cloelia, as a recompence for her valour. 
The Romans rewarded so extraordinary an instance 
of female heroism with the honour of an equestrian 
statue. 

| After this event Porsena restored all the hostages, 
and told Publicola that he considered the Roman 


PUBLIUS VALERIUS PUBLICOLA. 


25 


probity as the best guarantee of the treaty: and he 
signalized his departure from the vicinity of 
Home, by an act of peculiar liberality. He or¬ 
dered his soldiers to leave their tents, their provi¬ 
sions and valuable effects, and to carry away with 
them nothing but their weapons. By this proce¬ 
dure Rome was much relieved in her wants; and the 
Romans, from this period, whenever any effects, be¬ 
longing to the public, were sold, adopted a practice 
of proclaiming them by a herald, as “ Porsena’s 
goods.” 

In the ensuing year, they became involved in a war 
with the Sabines; and Marcus Valerius, acting under 
the advice and with the assistance of his brother 
Publicola, gained two important victories over them. 
For these he was rewarded with a triumph, and had a 
house built for him at the public expence, which, in 
one particular, was of unusual construction. The 
doors of all other houses opened inward; but the 
street-door of this house was made to open outward, 
as an indication that he was always ready to receive 
proposals for the public service. 

The defeat of the Sabines by Marcus Valerius did 
not, however, reduce that people to submission. 
They subsequently entered into a confederacy with 
the Latins , for the purpose of attacking the Romans 
with their united forces. Appius Claudius, an opu¬ 
lent Sabine chief, of great personal valour, and famed 
for his virtues and for the force of his eloquence, 
but of harsh and violent disposition, opposed the 
war. His opponents asserted that he wished to 
strengthen the Roman pow er, for the purpose of en¬ 
slaving his own country, and threatened him with 
impeachment. Publicola, who w r as now consul for 
the fourth time, having obtained intelligence of the 
proceedings that were about to be instituted, com¬ 
municated the information to Appius Claudius, and 
invited him to Rome, under an engagement that he 
should there be received and treated in a manner 


c 


26 


PUBLIUS VALERIA PUBLICOLA. 


suited to his rank and character. Appius accepted 
the invitation, and brought with him five thousand 
of the Sabines and their families. He was after¬ 
wards admitted to a seat in the senate, and rose to 
the highest rank in the republic. 

Notwithstanding this defection, the Sabines ad¬ 
vanced, with a powerful army. They ordered two 
thousand men to be placed in ambush, in shrubby 
and hollow places, near Rome, and directed a small 
party of horse-soldiers to ravage the suburbs, and 
then to retreat till they drew the Romans into the 
ambuscade. Publicola was not, however, thus to be 
ensnared. He arranged his forces in such manner 
as to surround these men; whilst, at the head of 
another part of the Roman army, he personally at¬ 
tacked the Sabine camp, and obtained a decisive 
victory. The town of Fidence only remained to be 
subdued. Publicola scaled the walls of it in person; 
and, on that side which was considered most im¬ 
pregnable; and thus obtained possession of it, al¬ 
most without loss. Elated with these unexpected 
successes, and enriched with the plunder, and by 
the sale of the prisoners, (for it was the cruel prac¬ 
tice of this period to sell the prisoners, for slaves,) the 
Romans honoured Publicola with a splendid triumph. 

Having now attained the summit of his glory; 
having seen his country flourish, through the excel¬ 
lence of his legislation, and victorious through his 
courage and conduct; and, having himself been 
honoured with four consulships and two triumphs, 
this eminent Roman surrendered the administration 
to other hands, and died rich in reputation and ho¬ 
nour. His death took place about two hundred and 
fifty years after the foundation of Rome, and five 
hundred and three years before the Christian era. 

Publicola had had many opportunities of honour¬ 
ably amassing wealth, but his mind was superior to 
all the excitements of avarice. Contented with the 
small estate which he had inherited from his ancestors, 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


27 


and leading a life of temperance and moderation, he 
was enabled, by means of this, to educate his children 
in a manner worthy of their birth; and to prove to 
the world, that he considered himself rich by wanting 
few things, and not by possessing many. 

The expences of his funeral were defrayed by the 
public. His body was burnt, and the ashes were 
buried in a place, appointed for the purpose, near the 
foot of the Velian hill. Thousands of the people 
attended the ceremony; and the Roman matrons 
paid the same tribute of respect to his memory, which 
they had done to that of Lucius Junius Brutus, his 
colleague in the consulship. 

Authorities— Plutarch, Livy, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


A Roman general, who received his surname for having taken 
Corioli, the capital of the Volscians; but who afterwards 
joined the Volsci against the Romans, and was assassinated for 
having, by the entreaty of his wife and mother, spared the Ro¬ 
mans from a total defeat. 

Died in the year 2GG of Rome, and 487 years before Christ. 


Caius Marcius, for that was his original name, was 
a man of noble birth, a descendant of the family of 
Marcii, which had supplied Rome with many illus¬ 
trious patricians. Having been left a child, at his 
father's death, he had been educated by his mother, 
with great care. The management of him, however, 
had been attended with much difficulty; for his pas¬ 
sions were violent, and he possessed a singular spirit 
of obstinacy and contention. It is true that he had 
many virtues, which tended to counterbalance these 

c 2 







28 CA1US MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 

defects; and, particularly, an ardent attachment to 
his mother, which, in some degree, alleviated the 
anxiety and the trouble which she experienced. 

From the earliest dawn of his intellect, he had 
shown an extraordinary inclination to military affairs, 
and had expressed great delight in handling and 
playing with military weapons. During his youth 
he so prepared himself, by exercise, for every de¬ 
scription of combat, that he became more vigorous 
and more powerful in body, than any of his compa¬ 
nions. 

He entered the army at an early age, and the first 
campaign in which he served was during the war 
with the Latins. In one of the battles with this 
people, he distinguished himself, by an act of valour, 
which obtained for him great celebrity. Seeing a 
Roman officer thrown down, he ran to his assistance, 
rescued him, and slew his adversary. This occur¬ 
rence took place within sight of the dictator, who, 
after the battle, presented Marcius with an oaken 
crown; an honorary mark of distinction, which it 
was customary to bestow on such persons as had 
saved the lives of Roman citizens. 

With Marcius this reward operated as a powerful 
stimulus to other actions, which, in a military officer, 
were considered meritorious. He was, ever after¬ 
wards, anxious not to disappoint the expectations 
which the public had formed concerning him; and 
w'as continually endeavouring to excel his former 
efforts, and meditating some more laborious 
achievement than he had before effected. About 
this period, the Romans fought several battles; and 
there was not one battle from which Marcius did not 
return without some mark of honorary distinction. 

But, what the ancient historians say concerning 
him, is somewhat remarkable, that, although the end 
w hich others proposed in acts of valour was glory, 
he pursued glory because the acquisition of it de¬ 
lighted his mother. For, when she was witness to 




CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


29 


the applauses which he received, when she saw him 
crowned, when she embraced him in tears of joy, 
then it was that he accounted himself at the height of 
honour and happiness. It must be remarked, in 
commendation of bis filial piety, that he ever treated 
her with the utmost tenderness and respect. He 
married in compliance with her desire; and, even 
after he had children, he still continued to reside in 
her house. 

The chief part of his life, however, was occupied 
in military pursuits. During a war of the Romans 
with the Volsci , he signalized himself in a peculiar 
manner. The former, under the consul Cominus, 
had besieged Corioli , the capital of the Volsci; and 
the Yolscian legions, as their only hope of safety, 
gave battle to them under the walls of their city. 
The Romans were, at first, compelled to retreat to¬ 
wards their entrenchments. Caius Marcius, who 
happened to be on guard, rallied them, repelled the 
attack, and pursued the enemy to their gates. There, 
he was astonished to perceive that, terrified by a 
shower of arrows, which were thrown from the 
walls, most of the troops had discontinued the pur¬ 
suit. He earnestly exhorted them not to forsake 
him now, in the moment of victory. A few of them 
following him, he broke through the ranks of the 
enemy, and pushed boldly forward into the city. 
Alarmed by so unexpected an effort of bravery, the 
Volsci fled on all sides. Had they acted with pru¬ 
dence, Marcius and his men might all have been de¬ 
stroyed; for, on halting his troops, after their arrival 
within the walls, he was astonished to see that he had 
but an inconsiderable number with him. At the 
head of his little force, however, he performed ex¬ 
ploits of strength, of agility, and valour, that are al¬ 
most incredible. He overpowered all who opposed 
him, and, in a short time, opened a passage, for Lar- 
tius, another of the Roman commanders, to join 
him. Rut his labours did not end here. A strong 


30 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


body of the Volsci, joined by their allies, the Anti- 
ates, which had approached, with the intention of re¬ 
lieving the place, now seemed to meditate an attack 
on such of the Roman troops as had been left in 
their entrenchments. No sooner, therefore, had 
Caius Marcius secured the city, than he hastened to 
the relief of his comrades. His appearance startled 
them; for he was covered with dust, perspiration, 
and blood. But he soon relieved their fears respect¬ 
ing him, by stating that Corioli was taken, and that 
he had received no important injury. The soldiers 
now demanded to be led against the remaining troops 
of the Volsci. Caius Marcius was posted directly 
opposite to the centre of the enemy’s army, and a 
sharp conflict ensued, in which the enemy were put 
to flight. During the pursuit, some of the Roman 
officers entreated of Marcius, now almost exhausted 
by wounds and fatigue, to retire to the camp. He 
replied: “ It is not for conquerors to be fatigued,” 
and still continued his exertions. At length the 
whole army of the Volsci was routed, with an im¬ 
mense loss both of men and treasure. 

On the ensuing day, when the Roman troops were 
assembled, the consul mounted a rostrum, and, ad¬ 
dressing himself particularly to Caius Marcius, de¬ 
tailed the valorous conduct, part of which he had 
himself witnessed. Then, out of the treasure, 
horses, and prisoners, that had been taken, he or¬ 
dered, (before any distribution was made to the rest 
of the combatants,) that Marcius, as a recompence for 
his valour, should receive a horse, with noble trap¬ 
pings, and one tenth part of the whole plunder. 
But, anxious only for the reward of honour, he re¬ 
fused to accept of any thing but the horse, and an 
equitable share of the booty. 

There was, however, one favour that he was anx¬ 
iously desirous should be granted him. Among the 
Volsci he had had a friend, a man of virtue and ho¬ 
nour, to whom he was bound by the sacred ties of 



CAIUS MARCH)S CORIOLANUS. 


31 


hospitality. This person, once in opulent circum¬ 
stances, was now a prisoner, in the power of the 
Roman array; and of the many misfortunes under 
which he laboured, Marcius said he should be glad 
to rescue him from one, worse than all the rest, that 
of being sold as a slave. His request was immedi¬ 
ately complied with, and the Volscian was restored 
to liberty. 

Those persons who hitherto had been inclined to 
regard, with envy, the honours obtained by Caius 
Marcius, now began to consider him worthy of great 
rewards, and chiefly because he declined them. 
They were more surprised at the virtue which had led 
him to despise such extraordinary advantages, than 
at the merit which gave him a title to them. His re¬ 
fusal excited, among the soldiers, the loudest cla¬ 
mours of approbation. When these had subsided, 
the consul said : “ It is true, my fellow-soldiers, that 
“ you cannot force these gifts upon one who is so 
“ firmly resolved to refuse them, as Caius Marcius. 
“ Let us, then, give him that which it is not in his 
“ power to refuse. For his gallant conduct, in the 
11 taking of Corioli, let us pass a vote that he be call- 
“ ed Coriolanus.” The vote was instantly and 
unanimously passed, and thenceforth this was his 
surname. 

Coriolanus was now at the summit of popularity. 
His character as a soldier, and his disinterested con¬ 
duct as a citizen, had obtained for him the applause 
of the whole Roman people. But he was soon to 
precipitate himself from this towering height, and to 
be expelled, with disgrace, from his country. 

Shortly after the termination of the Volscian war, 
the city of Rome was afflicted by a most distressing 
famine , occasioned partly by the devastations of the 
enemy, but chiefly by the dissensions which had pre¬ 
vailed among the people. In the preceding year, 
die inhabitants had been so much occupied in po¬ 
litical squabbles, that many of the farmers had neg- 


32 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


lected their proper occupations, and had left their 
land uncultivated. The consequences of this were 
first discord, then famine, and lastly war. The 
Volsci, who, but a short time before, had been to¬ 
tally vanquished, observing the Romans thus distress¬ 
ed, again prepared to attack them. Plutarch says: 
“ The factious orators of that day, seeing that corn 
“ was not brought to market, and knowing that even 
i( if the market could be supplied, the people, in ge- 
“ neral, had but little money with which to purchase 
“ it, slanderously asserted, that the rich had occa- 
“ sioned the famine, for the purpose of revenging 
“ themselves by distressing the poor.” 

Coriolanus, however, succeeded in obtaining for 
them a supply. At the head of a band of volunteers, 
he entered the territories of the Antiates, and re¬ 
turned to Rome with an abundance of corn, and an 
immense number of cattle and slaves; the whole of 
which he gave up for the public use. The conse¬ 
quence was not, certainly, what ought to have been 
expected. The leaders of the people wholly misre¬ 
present his conduct. They state that he had not 
acted with any view to the public good; but that he 
had courted popularity, for the selfish purpose of 
raising himself to power, and placing himself at the 
head of the people, to tyrannize over them. Not 
long after this, he was a candidate for the consulship . 
The services he had performed, and the numerous 
wounds that he had received in the cause of his coun¬ 
try, inclined many persons to favour his election. But, 
when the day of election came, his being conducted 
into the Campus Martius, by the senate, and his 
having the support of many of the nobility, occa¬ 
sioned the tide of popular favour to be turned against 
him, and he was rejected. 

Exasperated by treatment so ungenerous and un¬ 
just, he left the assembly, full of rancour against the 
people. The general character of Coriolanus was 
not, perhaps, such as to be greatly admired; but it is 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


33 


certain that his opponents were not actuated by dis¬ 
interested motives. Those who had been actively 
employed in exciting dissensions among the people, 
were not likely to favour a man who had been suc¬ 
cessful in defeating their foes, supplying their wants, 
and thus, in an essential degree, restoring unanimity 
in the state. 

The passions of Coriolanus were so violent, and 
his resentment was so strong, that he was now led to 
act in a very unjustifiable manner. A large supply 
of bread-corn, partly purchased in Italy, and partly 
sent as a present from Sicily, had been brought to 
Rome. The senate was assembled for the purpose 
of deliberating in what manner it could best be dis¬ 
tributed for relief of the people. Coriolanus stood 
up, and, in revenge for the mode in which he had 
been treated, he severely censured all those who had 
spoken in favour of the commonalty. He styled 
them demagogues, and traitors to the nobility : men 
who, to their own injury, were striving to undermine 
and destroy the rights of the patricians. He said 
that, having now rendered themselves formidable, 
they refused obedience to any superiors except those 
whom they called their “ own magistrates.” Head- 
vised the senate not to listen to any solicitations 
from the populace, respecting the distribution of the 
corn; and asserted that those who recommended 
this distribution, would encourage the insolence of 
the rabble, to the ruin of the constitution. He fur¬ 
ther stated, that if, in this instance, their wishes were 
complied with, they would consider the senate to be 
influenced by fear; and there would be no bounds 
to their insolence, and to their turbulent and sedi¬ 
tious practices. As it may be imagined, much tumult 
was excited by a speech like this; and, though Co¬ 
riolanus had the support of many of the nobility, the 
popular indignation was roused to such a degree, 
that a civil war appeared almost inevitable. To ap~ 

c 3 


34 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


pease the fury of the people, it was requisite to com¬ 
pel him to take his trial , on an allegation that, in 
various particulars, he had violated the laws of his 
country. One of the charges alleged against him 
was, that he had endeavoured to induce the senate to 
destroy the liberties of the people, and to establish a 
tyranny in the state. 

Coriolanus was summoned to make his defence. 
But he paid no regard to the summons, and even re¬ 
pulsed the officers who were sent to him. The tri¬ 
bunes became enraged at his opposition, and, taking 
with them the aediles, went to seize him. When they 
approached him, Coriolanus was standing before the 
senate-house, attended by a great number of the 
patricians, and several of his friends. The aediles 
attempted to lay hold of him; but the patricians, 
considering it insufferable that any one of their body 
should be given up to the tribunes, before he was 
tried, placed themselves before him, and, striking all 
who approached, drove them away. The intelli¬ 
gence of this conflict was soon communicated to 
every part of the city. All who were able to do so, 
flocked to the senate-house: the magistrates and 
men of rank, to protect Coriolanus, and the com¬ 
mon people to aid the tribunes in apprehending him. 
Nothing decisive, however, took place on that day. 
On the ensuing morning, the people were assembled, 
by the tribunes, at the forum ; and, after much in¬ 
vective against Coriolanus and the patricians, Minu- 
cius, the senior consul, ventured to speak to the peo¬ 
ple in his favour. Coriolanus himself addressed 
them; but in the most haughty and contemptuous 
manner imaginable. He did not deny a single alle¬ 
gation that had been made against him ; nor did he, 
in any respect, seek to deprecate their anger. He 
said, Ci that those who pretended to be his judges, 

“ had no lawful authority to try him; and that he 
(i ought to be accused before the consuls: that he 
“ had presented himself before the people, because 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


35 


il they had summoned him; but that he had appear- 
“ ed chipfly with a design to reprimand them for 
“ their illegal proceedings, and for the excesses of 
t( which they had been guilty.” 

Th is haughty and inflexible conduct excessively irri¬ 
tated his judges, and he was condemned io die; but his 
sentence was afterwards changed to that of perpetual 
banishment. The nobility were both shocked and 
enraged at the result of the trial; for they had ima¬ 
gined that the people would not dare to punish a 
man so powerful, and who had performed such im¬ 
portant services for the state, as Coriolanus. 

He alone appeared to be unmoved and regardless 
of his fate. But his fortitude was not the effect of 
resignation; it was only assumed, and arose from an 
excess of resentment. His subsequent conduct 
proved this to have been the case, and that he was 
now actuated only by thoughts of revenge. 

After the sentence had been communicated to him, 
he returned to his house, and, having embraced his 
wife and his mother, and recommended to them the 
care of his two children, he was conducted, by a 
party of the nobles, to the gate of the city. In his 
banishment he was accompanied by two or three ad¬ 
herents. He passed a few days, agitated by a thou¬ 
sand vexatious and resentful passions; and, at last, 
he determined to involve his country in all the horrors 
of another war. With this intention he proposed to 
throw himself on the protection of the Volsci, to 
whom his talents and character were well known. 
They were still powerful, both in men and money; 
and, in consequence of their recent defeats, were 
deeply exasperated against the Romans. 

Having clad himself in such attire as was likely to 
conceal him from the notice of the Volscian soldiers, 
he went to Antium , a town of the Volsci, in a resolu¬ 
tion to offer his services to Attius Tullus, a general 
of that nation, and highly distinguished by his rank, 
his wealth, and his valour. He was aware that Tul- 


56 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


lus could entertain no opinions favourable respecting 
him as a friend, for they had often encountered each 
other in war; yet he well knew that this chieftain 
was desirous of retaliating, upon the Romans, part 
of the injuries which he and his country had 
suffered. 

It was evening when Coriolanus entered Antium; 
and though many people met him in the streets, no 
one recognized him. He passed on to the house of 
Tullus, where he arrived undiscovered. He entered, 
and, hastening to the hearth, the place which was 
esteemed sacred, in consequence of the images of the 
domestic gods being always kept there, he seated 
himself; at the same time covering his face, 
and, immersed in thought, remaining almost mo¬ 
tionless. The servants were astonished at the ap¬ 
pearance of such a figure, and at such conduct. 
They did not attempt to disturb him; but, hastening 
to Tullus, who was at supper in another room, they 
related to him the occurrence. 

Tullus approached the stranger, and, attentively 
beholding him, enquired, Who he was, and upon 
what business he had come thither. Coriolanus, un¬ 
covering his face, paused awhile, and then said: 
“ If, Tullus, you do not know me, I must, of neces- 
“ sity, be my own accuser. I am Caius Marcius— 
“ who have brought so many calamities upon the 
“ Volsci. In recompence for all the labours and all 
“ the dangers I have experienced, I am now expelled 
“ from Rome. The envy and outrage of the people, 
“ the treachery of the magistrates, and the coward- 
“ ice of the nobles, have driven me from my country, 
“ and I am come to you, not a suppliant for shelter 
“ and protection, (for I should not have come hither 
“ had I been afraid of death,) but for vengeance 
“ against my enemies. If you are disposed to at- 
“ tack the Romans, avail yourself of my misfor¬ 
tunes: assure yourself, brave Tullus, that I shall 
“ fight for you, with more zeal than I have ever 



CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 37 

“ fought against you. But, if you refuse my aid, I 
“ do not desire to live; nor can I ask you to protect 
“ one who has been your enemy in the field, and 
iC who, otherwise, is unable to render you any ser- 
“ vice.” 

With this conduct, dishonourable and disgraceful 
as it was, Tullus was delighted. He took Coriola- 
nus by the hand, and, in the name of the whole 
Volscian nation, declared that he would gladly ac¬ 
cept his services. 

The long-protracted contests betwixt the commons 
and the nobility of Rome, had been the cause of in¬ 
cessant disunion and unhappiness in the state; and 
the condemnation of Coriolanus had had no tendency 
to heal their animosities. On the contrary, the ut¬ 
most confusion now prevailed. Coriolanus, on being 
informed of this, was prepared to take every advan¬ 
tage of it. The command of the Volscian army was 
given to him and to Tullus; and, as it was impor¬ 
tant that their operations should be commenced 
without delay, Coriolanus left to the magistrates the 
task of completing the army, and himself hastened, 
at the head of a small but select force, into the Ro¬ 
man territory. By so prompt and unexpected a 
movement, he was enabled to overrun and take pos¬ 
session of a considerable part of it, and to obtain so 
much plunder, that the Volsci found it difficult to 
convey the whole of it away. But this was a very 
unimportant part of the object that he had in view. 
He was chiefly anxious to increase the disunion in 
the state, by rendering the people more suspicious of 
the nobility than they had before been. For this 
purpose, while he ravaged nearly the whole country, 
he artfully spared the lands of the nobles. In so 
doing, he little contemplated or cared for the effect 
which might be produced against even those very 
friends who had been his firmest and most ardent 
supporters. 

The consequence was precisely what he had ex- 


38 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


pected. The patricians had accused the plebeians of 
having unjustly driven Coriolanus from Rome; 
and the plebeians retorted the accusation, and re¬ 
proached the patricians with having brought Corio¬ 
lanus upon them, for the purpose only of gratifying 
their revenge. 

Having so far effected his purpose; and having 
also inspired the Volscian troops with courage not 
only to meet, but to despise the Roman soldiers, he 
drew off his men without loss. Not long afterwards, 
he led the main body of the Volscian army into the 
field, while Tullus continued in the rear, with the re¬ 
serve. The latter provided for the defence of the 
towns within the Volscian territory, and supplied the 
troops with ammunition and stores for the campaign. 
Indeed, it would have been extremely imprudent in 
him to have marched into the Roman territory, and 
to have left Coriolanus, (who might possibly have 
been only a pretended friend,) at the head of an army 
in the interior of the Volscian territory. It was, 
however, the interest of Coriolanus to prove faithful 
to the Volsci. He, consequently, marched towards 
Home , and, within a short period, made himself 
master of all those places which the Romans had 
taken from the Volsci. He then entered Latium, 
which submitted to him; and he at length laid 
seige to Rome. 

During his whole progress, and even until his ar¬ 
rival at the very gates of the capital, the common 
people continued to impede all the measures of the 
government. Every thing was in disorder. The 
Roman soldiers refused to fight, even for the safety 
of the city; and the majority of the people passed 
nearly their whole time, in cabals and seditious 
speeches—in complaints and recrimination. 

The folly of their conduct respecting Coriolanus 
was now fatally experienced. All parties became 
excessively terrified: the very men who had expel¬ 
led him from the city, would, at this moment, have 



CAItTS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


39 


crouched at his feet. It was, therefore, unanimously 
resolved that lie should be intreated to forgive them, 
and invited to return to Rome. For this purpose 
tw’o deputations were sent to him; the first consist¬ 
ing of consulars; and the other of the ministers of 
the gods, in their sacred habits. The latter were 
conducted, through the Volscian ranks, to the head¬ 
quarters of the army. Coriolanus, surrounded by 
the principal nobility of the Volsci, received them 
sitting, and treated them with excessive austerity. 
He not only refused to forsake the Volsci, but in- 
sisted on the most exorbitant conditions of peace. 
The Romans, though, apparently, on the very brink 
of ruin, were resolved not wholly to degrade them¬ 
selves. They rejected the conditions proposed by 
Coriolanus; and resolved to defend their city to the 
last extremity, though there seemed but little proba¬ 
bility of their being able to save it from destruction. 

At this period of public distress, the Roman ma¬ 
trons went, in a body, to Volumnia the mother, and 
Vergilia the wife of Coriolanus*, and entreated that 
they would intercede w r ith him to save his suffering 
country from ruin. They assented to the wishes of 
the people. Clad in the deepest mourning, Volum¬ 
nia, accompanied by several other matrons, conduct¬ 
ed Vergilia, and the two sons of Coriolanus, to the 
Volscian camp. On their arrival, the appearance of 
these afflicted females excited, even in the soldiers, 
the strongest emotions of compassion. Coriolanus 
was seated in state, among his principal officers, 
when the females were introduced. His astonish¬ 
ment at such a procession, headed by his mother and 
his wife, may well be imagined. Notwithstanding 
his general inflexibility of temper, and the peculiar 
situation in which he w r as placed, he w r as unable to 
resist the emotions of affection. He left his seat, 


• Livy calls the mother Veturia and the wife Volumnia. 



40 


CA1US MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


and ran to embrace first his mother, and then his 
wife and children. Volumnia expressed the deepest 
regret, that the Romans should have banished him 
from their city; and her unhappiness in now behold¬ 
ing him encamped, as an enemy, before its walls. 
In an agony of distress, she asserted that herself, his 
wife, and children must, shortly, see either him or 
their country perish. “ When you came within sight 
“ of Rome, (said she,) did it not occur to you that, 
“ within those walls, were your house and guardian 
“ gods, your mother, your wife, and your children? 
“ Had I never been a mother, then Rome would not 
“ now have been besieged: had I not had a son, I 
“ might have died free, and have left my country free; 
“ but there is no suffering to which I can be exposed, 
“ that will not reflect more dishonour on you, than 
<# misery on me: and, be my lot as wretched as it 
“ may, I will not endure it long. If I am unable to 
“ persuade you to prefer friendship and union, to 
“ enmity and all its ruinous consequences, you will 
“ not advance further against your country, without 
“ trampling upon the dead body of her to whom you 
“ owe your being: believe me, I will not wait for 
“ that day when either my son shall be led captive 
“ by his fellow citizens, or shall triumph over Rome, 
“ I desire nothing that can be dishonourable to you. 
“ I wish not to save my country by ruining the 
“ Volsci, those who have placed confidence in you : 
“ I only desire a deliverance, that will be equally 
“ salutary to both, the blessings of peace and of 
“ friendship.” 

Coriolanus raised his wife and mother from the 
ground, and exclaimed: “ You have gained a victory 
“ fortunate for your country, but ruinous to me. I 
“ am vanquished by you alone.” He well knew 
that the Volsci would never forgive any favour he 
might show to their enemies, and he was unable to 
liberate himself from their power. His dread of 
their resentment did not, however, prevent him, after 


CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


41 


having sent back his family in safety to Rome, from 
drawing off the Volscian troops, and retreating with 
them to Antium. 

To Coriolanus the result was fatal. Tullus, en¬ 
raged at the return of his troops, and fearful of suc¬ 
cess in any attempt to bring the offender to justice, 
resolved to rid himself of him by assassination. 
Having hired a band of men in whom he could place 
confidence, he demanded of Coriolanus to surrender 
the command of the Volscian army, and to give a 
public account of his conduct. An assembly was 
called, for the apparent purpose of trying him ;^and, 
in a tumult that was intentionally excited, the assas¬ 
sins rushed upon and murdered him. 

The Volsci, as a people, expressed great abhor¬ 
rence at so cowardly and so iniquitous a procedure. 
Whilst the body lay stretched upon the ground, in 
the forum, great multitudes collected round it, to 
bewail the death of a man, who, notwithstanding all 
his faults, had so essentially benefitted their nation. 
They afterwards assembled, from several cities, to 
honour him with a public funeral. They put on him 
his general’s robes, and placed him on a magnificent 
bier. This w r as carried by such officers of the Vol¬ 
scian army as had been distinguished for their mar¬ 
tial exploits. Before him were borne the spoils he 
had obtained from the Romans, the various crowns 
he had gained, and the plans and models of the cities 
he had taken. When placed upon the funeral pile, 
several victims w r ere slain in honour of him; and 
after the body was consumed, the ashes were collect¬ 
ed and buried on the spot where the pile had stood. 
The multitude assisted in raising over them a lofty 
mound; and a magnificent tomb, adorned with mili¬ 
tary trophies, and with spoils of various kinds, was 
afterwards erected to his memory. 

The Roman women, at their own request, were 
permitted to wear mourning for him ten months; 
and the Romans, as a monument of the meritorious 


42 


LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 


conduct of the matrons, erected and dedicated a tem¬ 
ple to Female Fortune, on the very spot where the 
mother of this hero had prevailed with him to save his 
country from ruin. 

If we except the filial affection of Coriolanus, we 
shall find, in his character , little to admire, and much 
to blame. It may be true that, in early life, he w r as 
superior to most of those pleasures which too often 
tyrannize over youth; but he was, at the same 
time, headstrong and untractable. In his general 
conduct he w as haughty, forbidding, and revengeful: 
his ambition was unbounded; and he suffered his 
passions to act without controul. The latter were 
the cause of nearly every unhappiness he experi¬ 
enced, and eventually led him into proceedings 
which only terminated with his death. 

Authorities.— Plutarch , Livy % and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 


LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 


An illustrious Ronian of patrician family , 'who was contented to 
to live on a small farm; and who was even called from the 
plough to he consul and dictator. 

He died about the year 31 G of the city , and 438 years before 
Christ. 


The Quintian family, from whom Cincinnatus was 
descended, was allied to many of the noblest and 
most illustrious members of the Roman senate. Un¬ 
ambitious, however, of those honours which, in ge¬ 
neral, are highly esteemed and ardently sought by 
mankind; and devoted to a life of peace and retire¬ 
ment, he passed much of his time at a small paternal 
farm which he possessed, near the bank of the Tiber, 



LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 


43 


opposite to Rome. At this farm he educated his 
son, Caeso Quintius, who is described to have been 
elegant in his person, of distinguished bravery, elo¬ 
quent, ambitions, and enterprising. 

Cocso took so decided a part with the Roman no¬ 
bility against the plebeians; inveighed, on all occa¬ 
sions, so bitterly, against their proceedings; and, in 
various respects, gave them so much offence, that the 
tribunes resolved, if possible, to punish him, lest his 
conduct should operate as an example to other Ro¬ 
man youth. They accused him of crimes against 
the state;—of a conspiracy, with the patricians, to 
destroy the tribunes, and put the people to the 
sword. But they were unable to establish any 
proof of his criminality. Evidence was then offer¬ 
ed, to prove that he had been guilty of murder; but 
this evidence was afterwards shown to have been 
false. The trial was, for the present, deferred; se¬ 
curity, to a great amount, being taken for his appear¬ 
ance at a future day. On the day appointed he did 
not appear: he was, consequently, condemned to 
perpetual banishment, and his securities were for¬ 
feited. 

The conduct of Cincinnatus, on this occasion, has 
been universally admired. He sold the greatest part 
of his property , and, from the produce, repaid, to the 
sureties, the sums in which they had been bound; 
leaving nothing to himself but his cottage, and about 
four acres of land, which were afterwards distin¬ 
guished by the name of the “ Quintian Meadow.” 
In this cottage he continued to reside; and he sup¬ 
ported himself and his wife on the produce of his la¬ 
bour. Thus did he subject himself to a life of 
penury, rather than his family should be disgraced 
by any supposed deficiency on the part of his son. 
His detestation of the conduct of the Romans respect¬ 
ing his son, is, however, imagined to have had so 
powerful an influence on his mind, that, for somo 
time, he refused even to visit the city, 


u 


LUCIUS QUINT1US CINCINNATUS. 


Such was, at this period, the inefficient state of the 
Roman government, that four thousand five hundred 
fugitive slaves , headed by a Sabine, named Herdo- 
nius, having, during the night, surprised the capital 
and the adjoining fortress, entertained hopes, through 
the assistance of the Roman slaves, and by the popu¬ 
lace declaring in their favour, to obtain possession 
of the city. The consuls, alarmed lest a general in¬ 
surrection of the plebeians might follow, did not dare 
to distribute arms among the people. They were 
also fearful lest this procedure might have been 
adopted in conjunction with their enemies, the Volsci 
and dEqui. The consul Valerius succeeded, indeed, 
in retaking the capitol; but, in the act of recovering 
it, he was killed. 

Notwithstanding the disgrace which, in the minds 
of the people, had fallen upon Cseso, they highly re¬ 
vered the character of his father. The talents and 
the integrity of Cincinnatus were well known. It 
was consequently resolved, if possible, to draw him, 
from his seclusion, to the duties of the state. He 
was elected consul, in the room of Valerius; and the 
senate sent a deputation, to desire that he would im¬ 
mediately come to Rome, for the purpose of taking 
possession of the magistracy. The deputies found 
him in the act of ploughing Iris land, without a vest, 
his waist girded, and a cap on his head. Observing 
several persons enter the field, he stopped his plough, 
unable to conjecture what their business with him 
could be. One of them approached, and, having re¬ 
quested that he would clothe himself in a more be¬ 
coming manner, for the purpose of receiving a de¬ 
putation from the senate, he retired into his cottage. 
On his return they saluted him, not by his name, but 
as consul; and, having clad him in the consular 
robe, and placed before him the axes and other en¬ 
signs of his office, they requested him to follow them 
to the city. He did so, but not without unaffected 
regret at exchanging his humble cottage for a palace, 


LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 


45 


and his quiet and domestic pursuits, for the troubles 
and the honours of the state. He was now in his 
fifty-eighth year. 

On entering upon his office , the plebeians were 
fearful lest they should feel the weight of his ven¬ 
geance, in return for their conduct towards his son. 
He freely and justly censured them; but his censures 
were as severe against the senate as the people. By 
the indolence and negligence of the senate, he said, 
the tribunes, whose office had now become perpetual, 
had been permitted to exercise almost sovereign au¬ 
thority. He asserted that “ the government could 
“ no longer be considered a republic of Roman citi- 
“ zens, but as an ill-regulated family: that, with his 
“ son Caeso, fortitude, constancy, and every qualifi- 
“ cation which gives ornament to youth, either in 
“ war or in peace, had been banished from the city ; 
“ while mere declaimers, men despicable for their 
i( seditious propensities, and for exciting dissensions in 
“ the state, twice, and even thrice re-elected tribunes, 
“ had been enabled to excite general unhappiness by 
“ their pernicious practices, and in the exercise even 
“ of regal tyranny.” 

For some time he experienced great opposition, 
both from the tribunes and the people ; but this did 
not prevent him from acting with that firmness, for 
which his whole character was remarkable. The in¬ 
cessant commotions in the state were such as might 
have deterred a man of less powerful mind than his, 
from fully performing his duty. This, however, he 
is believed to have done; and, by so doing, he over¬ 
awed the disaffected, suppressed the rising seditions, 
and kept all parties at peace. 

In the tribunals of justice, he acted with equal in¬ 
tegrity, prudence, and mercy; and his decisions were 
so equitable, that they were, in general, assented to, 
even by the parties against whom they were given. 
He was easy of access, mild and humane towards 
all. 


46 


LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 


By conduct of this description he greatly raised 
the character of the aristocracy, in the public estima¬ 
tion: the prejudices which had existed against him¬ 
self, gradually vanished; and he at length received 
the merited applause of all classes. Indeed, so 
great became his popularity, that, at the expiration 
of his office, the consulate was offered to him a 
second time. He, however, not only refused to ac¬ 
cept it, but he severely reproved the senate for the 
offer: it was a breach of their own decree, that no citizen 
should serve the same office for two successive years. 
After this he returned to his cottage , and contentedly 
resumed his former tranquil and unambitious pur¬ 
suits. 

About twelve months after this, and in the 
year of the city, 295, during a war with the 
JEqui and the Sabines, the consul, Minutius, had the 
imprudence to suffer his army to be led into a valley, 
where it was surrounded by a superior force of the 
iEqui; and the other consul, being employed against 
the Sabines, was unable to afford him any relief. In 
this emergency it was considered requisite to create 
a dictator; and no man appeared, in the general esti¬ 
mation, so fitted to this office as Cincinnatus; he 
was, consequently, appointed. 

Deputies from the senate, in this as in the former 
instance, were sent to announce to him his appoint¬ 
ment. These found him engaged in the occupations 
of husbandry. At their approach he retired into his 
house; and, having clad himself in more becoming 
apparel, than that which he had previously worn, he 
went to meet them. They presented to him horses 
decked with magnificent trappings, placed before 
him the four-and-twenty axes with the rods, clothed 
him in a purple robe, and announced to him that he 
had been selected, in the present adverse state of 
public affairs, to fill the office of dictator. This 
high office, which would have been so desirable to 
many, was to him a source of grief. He well knew 


LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 4f 

all the responsibility, and all the difficulties that were 
attached to it. But, when his country demanded his 
services, Cincinnatus was too sincere a patriot to re¬ 
fuse them. 

A vessel had been prepared, by order of the go¬ 
vernment, to convey him across the river. On 
landing near Rome, he was received first by his 
relatives and friends, and afterwards by a great num¬ 
ber of the patricians. Accompanied by this retinue, 
and having the lictors marching in state before him, 
he was conducted to his appointed residence. 

The spirits of the Romans had been deeply de¬ 
pressed ; but Cincinnatus revived their hopes. He 
taught them to believe that, with courage and una¬ 
nimity, all would yet be well. It was, however, 
requisite that they should act with promptness and 
decision. He issued a proclamation, ordering an 
immediate suspension of all proceedings in the courts 
of justice, the shops to be shut, and all the citizens, 
capable of bearing arms, to assemble in the Campus 
Martins, before sun-set, each with five day’s pro¬ 
visions, and twelve stakes for a palisade. His orders 
were punctually obeyed. The forces were drawn 
up; and the dictator marched at the head of the in¬ 
fantry, and his general of horse as the commander of 
the cavalry. Cincinnatus halted as soon as he per¬ 
ceived that he w T as near the enemy. In the obscurity 
of the night he examined, as well as he was able, the 
state of the enemy’s camp. As soon as he had ascer¬ 
tained this, he ordered his men to heap .all their bag¬ 
gage into one place, and then to return to their ranks, 
with the stakes they had brought from Rome. This 
done, he caused them to invest one side of the ene¬ 
my’s camp; and, at an appointed signal, every man 
began to dig a trench before him, and to plant his 
stakes. The enemy made an effort to interrupt the 
works which the dictator had begun. This enabled 
the forces under Minutius to act; and the enemy, 
after a vain struggle to liberate themselves from the 


48 


LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 


difficulties by which they were embarrassed, being 
destitute of provisions, and despairing of relief, sent 
to Cincinnatus a deputation to sue for peace, which, 
on conditions advantageous to the Romans, was 
granted. His success being complete, he returned 
to Rome, and triumphed with greater splendour than 
any preceding general; for, within the short space of 
sixteen days, he had rescued the Roman consul and 
legions from a state of extreme distress, and had de¬ 
feated a numerous and powerful army. The senate 
decreed that, on his arrival in Rome, he should enter 
the city in triumph , without changing the order of 
his march. The generals of the enemy’s army were 
led, in chains, before his chariot, accompanied by the 
military ensigns; and his own troops followed, laden 
with spoil. It is stated that tables were spread with 
provisions before every house, for the refreshment of 
his men, after their toils. 

The consul Minutius was deposed, as unequal to 
fulfil the duties of the command to which he had been 
appointed; and was reduced to the rank of a lieute¬ 
nant-general. 

The army voted, to the dictator, the reward of a 
golden crown, a pound in weight, and saluted him as 
their patron and preserver. And the senate, con¬ 
sidering it disgraceful to the state that so eminent a 
man should pass his old age in poverty, entreated of 
him to accept whatever quantity of land he chose, 
from the conquered lands of the enemy, and that he 
would allow them to supply him with money and 
cattle sufficient to stock it. His friends also offered 
him valuable presents, wishing it to be considered 
that the favour would be esteemed in the receiving, 
not the giving of them. His independent spirit 
would not, however, permit him to receive any fa¬ 
vour. But, after thanking them for these marks of 
their attachment, and these tokens of satisfaction for 
the services he had been able to perform, he assem¬ 
bled the people, and having rendered to them an 


LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINtINNATUS. 


49 


account of his administration, he resigned the dicta¬ 
torship, after having held it only three weeks. He 
had been solicitous only for the public good: his 
own aggrandizement constituted, in no degree, the 
foundation of his actions; and, consequently, to have 
retained his office for the full period to which he 
might have held it, was not an object at all desirable 
by him. With the satisfaction of a mind conscious 
of its own integrity, and wholly free from am¬ 
bitious desires, he returned to his farm, and willingly 
exchanged even princely honours for manual labour; 
glorying more in his poverty and independence, than 
others did in their wealth and their rank. 

The only favour he would accept from the public, 
was a revocation of the unjust sentence which had 
been pronounced against his son. Nor ought this to 
have been considered a favour, for it was proved that 
Volscius, one of the tribunes, the man on whose evi¬ 
dence he had been convicted, had been guilty of wil¬ 
ful and corrupt perjury. 

In the following year, the united forces of the 
Sabines and JEqui made another irruption into the 
Roman territory, plundering and destroying the pro¬ 
perty of the inhabitants, through the whole line of 
their march. The senate, desirous of checking their 
progress, resolved that the consuls should immedi¬ 
ately take the field and march against them. This 
plan was strongly opposed by the tribunes of the peo¬ 
ple. More anxious for the extension of their own 
power and privileges, than for the welfare of the 
country, they refused their consent, unless the senate 
would first agree to pass a law, increasing their num¬ 
ber from five to ten. The senate would not do this, 
as they considered it would be giving too great a 
preponderance to the popular branch of the legisla¬ 
ture, already so powerful as to be almost beyond 
controul. The most violent commotions ensued, 
during which, the territories, both of the Romans 
and their allies, were alike laid waste and plundered. 

D 




50 LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 

The enemy rendered desert, all the country through 
which they passed, in a confidence that no army 
would be sent against him, during the contests which 
they knew to be raging in the city. Notwithstand¬ 
ing the distress into which the country was thus 
plunged, the tribunes persisted in their opposition. 
The state of the public affairs at length became so 
critical, that Cincinnatus was induced again to ap¬ 
pear in the senate. He entreated that the tribunes 
would, for the present, defer the consideration of 
the law; as the enemy was almost at their gates, and 
ought to be immediately opposed. The tribunes 
were not, however, to be shaken in their projects, by 
any concern for the public welfare; and the senate, 
fearful of the consequences of further delay, were 
obliged to yield their consent. Having thus suc¬ 
ceeded in their designs, the tribunes completed the 
levies, and the consuls, being enabled to march 
against the enemy, drove them out of the country. 

From this period, for nearly twenty years, Cincin¬ 
natus was induced frequently to engage in the affairs 
of the state; and his conduct was invariably marked 
by anxiety for the public welfare; and by mildness, 
and equity towards the people. In more than one 
instance he saved the lives of even those furious tri¬ 
bunes, who had headed the party which was in oppo¬ 
sition to himself. 

In the year of the city 313, the Romans were af¬ 
flicted with almost every species of domestic scourge; 
with famine, pestilence, sedition, and conspiracies. 
During this calamity, Spurius Moslius , a Roman 
knight, possessed of great wealth, purchased a vast 
quantity of corn at foreign markets, and ordered it to 
be distributed gratis, or to be sold, at a very low 
price, to the poor. By this apparent liberality, he 
had seduced, to his cause, so great a number of the 
most idle and dissolute of the people, as to endanger 
the safety of the state. He acted, as nearly all other 
demagogues have acted: he imposed upon the igno¬ 
rance of the people, by inducing them to believe that 




LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS. 


51 


he was studying only their happiness; while, in fact, 
all his pretended kindness was but a cover for the 
promotion of his own interested views. He was 
contemplating, through their agency, the acquisition 
of even sovereign power. 

In this state of affairs it was that Cincinnatus, 
though now more than eighty years of age, was again 
called from his cottage, to assume the office of dicta - 
tor; and, old as he was, he performed this duty 
with great firmness. He summoned Maelius to ap¬ 
pear in the forum; but the knight, conscious of his 
guilt, and foreseeing the danger to which he would 
be exposed, under any examination into the motives 
of his conduct, attempted to escape. Servilius 
Ahala, the general of horse, who had received orders 
to arrest him, pursued and killed him. In this act 
he was justified by one of the Roman laws, which 
authorized the putting of any man to death, even 
without the form of a trial, who had aspired to the 
sovereign power. The dictator had no difficulty in 
clearly establishing the guilt of Maelius. He conse¬ 
quently applauded the deed; and the people did not 
much object to it, for they considered themselves, in 
some degree, recompensed for the loss of their bene¬ 
factor, by the quantity of corn which was found in 
his house, and was distributed among them at a very 
low price. The dictator, on this occasion, further 
gratified them, by commanding all the property of 
Maelius to be sold, and its whole produce to be dis¬ 
tributed among the people. 

Cincinnatus did not long survive this termination 
of a conspiracy, which many feared would occasion 
the total overthrow of the government. He died, 
sincerely regretted by his fellow-citizens; and with 
a consciousness of having been eminently useful to 
the state of which he had so long been a member. 
Never had he accepted any pecuniary recompence 
for his services to the public. By his example, he 
had shown that the great qualification for doing 

d 2 





MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


co 

good does not depend upon wealth, but upon a con¬ 
tented, a noble, and an independent spirit, which it* 
self requiring no superfluities, leaves its owner at 
full liberty to serve his fellow-creatures. “ That 
“ man (as Plutarch admirably remarks) is unfit for 
“ great acts, who aims at little objects; nor can he 
“ relieve the many needy, who himself needs many 
“ things.” 

J 

Authorities. —Dionysius of Halicarnassus , Livy , and Hooke's 

Roman History. 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 

A Roman general who was five times dictator; and was chiefly 
celebrated for having taken the cities of Vcii and Falerii ; and 
for having defeated the Gauls , when that people had obtained 
possession of Rome , and were besieging the senate in the 
capital. 

Died about the year 380 of Rome , and 3G6 years before the birth 
of Christ. 

This eminent Roman, whose virtues and whose 
talents are almost equally deserving of admiration, 
passed the early part of his youth in the capacity of 
a minister or assistant of the priests, in one of the 
Roman temples. It was from this circumstance that 
he obtained the surname of Camillus, which signi¬ 
fies “ a servitor.” 

He entered the Roman army at a time when his 
country was involved in war with many of the neigh¬ 
bouring nations; and he first signalized himself by 
an act of valour, in a battle against the iEqui and 
Volsci. Whilst spurring his horse before the ranks, 
he received a severe wound in the thigh; but, instead 
of retiring from the field, he plucked the javelin out, 



MARCUS FTJRIUS CAMILLUS. 


53 


and continued the combat until the enemy were de¬ 
feated. 

In the year of the city, 352, when it was considered 
requisite to augment to eight, the number of military 
tribunes with consular power, Camillus was appointed 
one of these; and, in the tenth year of the siege of 
Veii, at that time the principal city of Etruria, the 
other magistrates were removed, and he was made 
dictator . 

One of his first acts, in this office, afforded a proof 
that he believed in the superintendance of a Divine 
Providence ; though this belief, like that of all other 
heathens, was intermingled with much superstition 
and absurdity. He made a vow to the gods, that 
if they would favour his military career, by enabling 
him to terminate gloriously the war in which he was 
engaged, he would celebrate, to their honour, the 
great Circensian games*, would dedicate a tenth 
part of the spoils to Apollo, and would consecrate a 
temple to one of the Roman goddesses. 

After he had perfected his levies, Camillus led a 
body of troops into the country of the Falisci , on the 
banks of the Tiber; and, after obtaining a complete 
victory over that people, he turned his attention to 
the siege of Veii. Few generals appear to have ex¬ 
hibited greater military talents than those displayed 
by the new dictator. Perceiving that it would be 
attended with great danger to attempt the city by 
assault, he ordered mines to be dug beneath the 
walls. The soil around the place was so light, that 
his men easily penetrated through it; and it was 
of depth sufficient for the works to be carried on, 
unseen by the enemy. That his design might not be 
suspected, he ordered a partial attack to be made 
upon the walls; and, whilst the attention of the citi- 


* These yrere games exhibited, in the Roman Circus, in mitatlon of the 
Olympic Games in Greece. 



54 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


zens was occupied in defending these, a strong body 
of Roman soldiers passed along the mine, and secretly 
penetrated into the temple of Juno, which was within 
the citadel. 

It is related by Plutarch, that, when the soldiers 
were beneath the floor of the temple, one of the Vei- 
entian generals was offering sacrifice: that, on in¬ 
specting the entrails of the victim, the soothsayer is 
said to have exclaimed : “ The gods promise victory 
“ to him who shall finish this sacrificeand that the 
Romans, on hearing these w r ords, removed the pave¬ 
ment, issued forth with loud shouts, and, immedi¬ 
ately afterwards, obtained possession of the city*. 

As soon as the city was surrendered, the soldiers, 
with permission of Camillus, dispersed in search of 
booty; and the spoils that were collected, far ex¬ 
ceeded, both in quantity and in value, all that he had 
either calculated upon or hoped for. On the ensu¬ 
ing day, according to the inhuman and most unjusti¬ 
fiable custom of these times, Camillus ordered all the 
inhabitants of free condition to be sold as slaves. 
Thus fell Veii, a city which, even in its final over¬ 
throw, demonstrated its greatness. For, after hav¬ 
ing withstood an attack of ten years; and, after hav¬ 
ing inflicted on its enemy losses considerably greater 
than itself had sustained, when it was at last over¬ 
come, it w r as vanquished, not by force, but by the 
superior skill of the Roman engineers. 

The taking of this place fully established the cha¬ 
racter of Camillus, in the opinion of the Romans; 
and so unbounded was the joy of the Roman people, 
at the acquisition of it, that, before the senate could 
be assembled to pass any decree for the purpose, 


* On the subject of this extraordinary story, Livy gays: " In matters of such re- 
“ mote antiquity, (about four hundred years before his time,) I think it enough 
“ if relations which carry a resemblance of truth, be received as true: stories like 
“ this, better adapted for exhibition on the stage, than for obtaining belief, it is 
needless either to affirtn or to refute. 



MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


55 


every temple was filled with matrons, returning 
thanks to the gods for his success. 

The popularity of Camillus was not, however, of 
long continuance. Though, on his arrival in Rome, 
he was more numerously attended than any general 
had previously been; and, although the honours that 
were conferred upon him, in his triumph, far surpass¬ 
ed the compliments usually paid on such occasions, 
yet the Romans were offended , because he entered the 
city in a splendid chariot, drawn by four white 
horses. They asserted that no general had ever done 
this before; and that it was an insult to their religion 
for the dictator to emulate the equipage of Jupiter, 
the king and father of the gods. He had also 
tinged his face with vermilion, a colour with which 
the statues of the gods were painted. And these 
were not the only causes of offence. The ancients, 
considering that they sanctioned even the most in¬ 
human proceedings, by rendering their deities parta¬ 
kers in the plunder they obtained, Camillus, as it has 
been observed, had vowed to dedicate to Apollo a 
tenth part of the spoils that should be acquired; 
but he had neglected his vow. After the surrender 
of Veii, he had permitted his soldiers to pillage the 
city; and now, when he was required to fulfil his en¬ 
gagement, he expressed himself sorry that he had 
forgotten it. This, however, was to no purpose: he 
was told that the vow must be fulfilled; and, al¬ 
though the soldiers had not only to refund a large 
portion of what they considered the fruit of their 
labours, but, in many instances, had to make good 
what they had actually expended, it was required 
that each of them should produce, to the public trea¬ 
sury, the value of the tenth part of the plunder that 
he had obtained, for the purpose of its being expend¬ 
ed on a golden vase, to be carried to Delphi, as an 
offering to Apollo. 

On the subsequent breaking out of a war with the 
Falisci , Camillus recovered his popularity, and was 


56 MARCUS fURIUS CAMILLUS. 

again nominated one of the military tribunes. His 
long experience of the character of the Roman popu¬ 
lace, and of the injurious consequences of their 
power in the state, occasioned him to be not a little 
rejoiced at the prospect of a new war. He was de¬ 
sirous to keep the citizens employed abroad, that 
they might not have leisure, at home, to excite tu¬ 
mult and sedition; for this (says Plutarch) was 
“ a remedy to which the Romans, like skilful phy- 
“ sicians, always had recourse, in order to expel dan- 
“ gerous humours from the body politic.” 

One of the first proceedings of Camillus was to 
besiege Falerii, the capital of the Falisci; a city so 
strongly fortified, that the inhabitants entertained no 
fears whatever as to the result of their defence. All, 
except those who guarded the walls, walked about in 
the streets, as usual, and with great apparent uncon¬ 
cern. The boys of the public school, pursued their 
usual studies; and the master often took them out 
to walk upon the ramparts. 

But this confidence of the Falerians in their own 
strength, was the cause of the city being taken. The 
Roman army lying encamped at some distance from 
the place, the schoolmaster was permitted to walk, 
with his boys, even beyond the walls. By degrees 
he took them to greater distances, and accustomed 
them to divert themselves as freely as if they had 
had nothing to apprehend; and, at last, he conducted 
them within the Roman lines, and treacherously pre¬ 
sented them to Camillus. Fie stated that “ he was 
“ the schoolmaster of Falerii, and that, preferring the 
“ favour of Camillus to the obligations of his duty, 
“ he had come to surrender to him the children which 
“ had been placed under his care; and, in them, the 

whole city.” 

An act so atrocious received the reward that it 
justly merited. Camillus ordered the lictors to tear 
off the man’s clothes, to tie his hands behind him, 
and to furnish the boys with rods and scourges. He 


MARCUS PURIUS CAMILLUS. 57 

then directed them to whip the traitor all the way 
from the Roman camp into the city. The Falerians 
had been informed of the treachery of their school¬ 
master; and the whole city had resounded with 
lamen tations for the loss of the ■children* Distracted 
and enraged, the principal inhabitants, both men and 
women, crowded about the walls and gates, anxiously 
looking towards the Roman camp and bewailing 
their loss. After a little while, they espied the boys 
approaching the city, in the act of whipping their 
master, naked and bound; and the boys, when they 
entered, exclaimed that Camillus had been “ their 
“ preserver, their deliverer, and their father.” 

Not only the parents of the children, but the citi¬ 
zens in general, were so much delighted with the 
justice and magnanimity of Camillus, that they, 
shortly afterwards, surrendered to him their city; 
and they were liberally treated for their confidence. 
They were required only to pay a certain sum of 
money as a fine: the city was given into their posses¬ 
sion again; and the nation of the Falisci was admit¬ 
ted into alliance with the Romans. 

This, however, was an arrangement not at ail 
satisfactory to the Roman soldiers. These had 
expected to share in the plunder of the city; 
and, on their returning, empty-handed, to Rome, 
they accused Camillus, to their fellow-citizens, 
as an enemy of the people. And, notwith¬ 
standing the numerous and important services he 
had performed for the state, so great a clamour was 
excited against him, that, to avoid a sentence which 
he foresaw would be pronounced, this illustrious 
Roman determined to quit the city as a voluntary 
exile. 

He did not, however, like Coriolanus, seek pro¬ 
tection from the enemies of his country, or offer to 
them his services, against his own ungrateful nation. 
On leaving Rome, he prostrated himself before the 
temples on the Capitoline hill, and prayed to heaven, 

d 3 


58 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


that, in recorapence for these, his undeserved suf¬ 
ferings, the Romans might soon have occasion more 
earnestly to desire his recal, than they had had to 
wish for his banishment. And, to this prayer, he 
was not incited by any motives of resentment; he did 
not ask that calamity might befal his country: he 
was only desirous that, in such case, he might prove 
his anxiety for her welfare, by offering himself as 
her deliverer, at the price even of his own blood. 
Thus did he put in practice the doctrine of Plato, 
that “ an honest and good man, however ill he may 
ii be treated by his country, preserves always, in his 
“ heart, a mediator in her behalf, and seeks every op- 
“ portunity of doing her service, whether it be by 
, “ life, or whether it be by death.” 

The republic soon suffered, both justly and se¬ 
verely, for having given way to the clamours against 
Camillus. Never were they more in need of super- 
eminent talents, than at this period; for they were 
on the point of encountering enemies more formida¬ 
ble than any with which they had hitherto been en¬ 
gaged. Scarcely had Camillas left the gates of 
Rome, than ambassadors from the Gauls , arrived in 
the city, to demand satisfaction for certain insults 
which they asserted their country had received from 
the Romans. The senate would afford them no 
redress; and the Gauls marched a powerful army 
against Rome. Their prodigious numbers, their 
glittering weapons, their fury and impetuosity, struck 
terror wherever they came. 

The Romans, under the command of the tribunes, 
were led out to battle; but, in consequence of the 
dissensions which had prevailed, the army was in so 
disorganized a state, that the generals found it dan¬ 
gerous to exercise any authority. The result may 
easily be imagined: they engaged the enemy, but in 
so disorderly a manner, that they were soon shame¬ 
fully beaten and put to flight. Part of the troops 
escaped to the hills, part to Rome, and part fled to 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


59 


Veii. It was imagined that Rome itself must be lost, 
and that all the inhabitants would be put to the 
sword. 

On the third day after the battle, the Gaulish ge¬ 
neral arrived, with his army, at the gates of Rome. 
The inhabitants, incapable of resistance, afforded 
scarcely any opposition. He conseqently entered the 
city , pillaged all the houses, and at last set fire to it. 
The capitol alone continued in possession of the 
Romans. The Gauls attacked it, but were repulsed 
with considerable loss. After this they blockaded it 
with one half of their army, whilst, with the other 
half, they made incursions into the country, to plun¬ 
der the inhabitants, and to levy contributions. 

Now it was that the Romans more particularly re¬ 
proached themselves for their conduct towards Ca- 
millus. Had he not been banished, they might 
have escaped the calamity which they now so 
grievously deplored. 

Notwithstanding their ingratitude towards him, he 
was resolved to exert himself in the defence of his 
country. He had retired to Ardea, a sea-coast 
town, about twenty-five miles south-east of Rome. 
A considerable party of Gauls had penetrated to the 
neighbourhood of Ardea. At the request of Ca¬ 
millas the people of this city agreed to aid him in an 
attempt to defeat the enemy. He assembled a pow¬ 
erful body of men, and drew them up within the 
walls, that the enemy might not discover his inten¬ 
tions. The Gauls, having loaded themselves with 
plunder, encamped upon the adjacent plains, in a 
careless and disorderly manner. Before night, nearly 
all of them were intoxicated with the wine they had 
obtained; and, not long afterwards, silence reigned 
in their camp. As soon as Camillus, by his spies, 
was informed of this, he led his men cautiously out, 
and reached the camp about midnight. He then 
ordered a tremendous shout to be uttered, and the 
trumpets to be sounded on all sides, for the purpose 


MARCUS FUR.IUS CAMILUUS. 


60 

of exciting terror and confusion. With considerable 
difficulty the enemy roused themselves from their 
stupor. A few of them snatched up their arms, to 
oppose the unknown foe, and fell with their weapons 
in their hands; but most of them were slain before 
they could make any defence. 

The fame of this action soon reached the neigh¬ 
bouring cities, and caused many able warriors to join 
the Roman standard at Ardea; and Camillus was 
entreated to assume the chief command of the army. 
He replied that it was impossible for him to do this, 
unless he were legally appointed by the Roman go¬ 
vernment in the capitol: so great was the regard 
which Camillus paid to the constitution of his coun¬ 
try, though Rome itself lay in ashes. Indeed, had 
he acted otherwise, even with the purest intentions, 
and been unsuccessful, he well knew, that, notwith¬ 
standing all his services, the voice of the factious 
Romans would have overwhelmed him. 

It was agreed to send a messenger to the capitol; 
but, whilst the city was possessed by the enemy, it 
seemed impossible to deliver the message. At 
length an adventurous young man, named Pontius 
Corninius, requested that it might be entrusted to 
him. Difficult as the task was, he said he would 
accomplish it, and bring back the orders of the Roman 
government. He would not, however, carry any 
letters, lest, if he should be taken, the enemy 
might discover the plans that were proposed. The 
commission intrusted to him was, therefore, a verbal 
one. Having dressed himself in mean attire, under 
which he concealed some pieces of cork, he ap¬ 
proached the city about the close of day. He could 
not pass the river by the bridge, because that was 
guarded. He therefore took off his clothes, and 
bound them upon his head ; and, having laid himself 
upon the corks, easily floated over, and reached the 
city. Then dressing himself, and avoiding those 
parts where, by the lights and noise, he concluded 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMitEUSi 6l 

the enemy kept watch, he went to a gate called the 
Carmental gate, where the hill of the Capitol (the 
Tarpeian rock) was most steep and craggy. Here, 
during the silence of the night, he clambered up un¬ 
perceived. Having reached the summit in safety, 
he advanced to the guards upon the wails, and, by 
them, was immediately conducted to the magistrates. 
The senate was, shortly afterwards, assembled. Co¬ 
mini us informed them of the victory which had been 
obtained, and, in the name of the Roman army, en¬ 
treated them to appoint Camillus to the chief com¬ 
mand. They did so: they caused his act of con¬ 
demnation to be repealed, and created him dictator 
a second time. The Romans well knew that no one 
except Camillus could save them from destruction. 
In their adversity, therefore, they anxiously clung 
for safety to him whom, in the plenitude of their 
power, they had disgracefully expelled from their 
city. 

Cominius was sent back, by the same way that he 
had come, and was equally fortunate in his return. 
He passed the enemy’s lines undiscovered, and de¬ 
livered to Camillus the decree, by which he was ap¬ 
pointed dictator and commander in chief of the 
Roman armies. No time was lost, Camillus placed 
himself at the head of the troops, and marched 
against the Gauls. 

An occurrence, however, took place, which had 
nearly destroyed all the hopes the Romans could 
have formed from this appointment. Some of the 
Gauls, employed in the siege of the capitol, happen¬ 
ing to pass the place where Cominius had made his 
way up the rock, observed the traces of his hands 
and feet. They informed their commander of these. 
He inspected the place, and, in the evening, assem¬ 
bled some of the lightest and most active of his men; 
pointed out to them that the rock on which the capi¬ 
tol stood was neither inaccessible nor untrodden by 
human feet; and urged them not to quit a place, as 


63 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


impregnable, which the Romans themselves had 
taught them how to take. He offered adequate re¬ 
wards and honours for such of his soldiers as should 
distinguish themselves in an attack on the capitol; 
and, about midnight, several of them began to climb 
the rock. Though steep and craggy, it proved 
more practicable than they had expected. The 
foremost of the assailants gained the summit, ar¬ 
ranged themselves in order of battle, and were pre¬ 
paring to take possession of the wall of the capitol, 
(for the guards were all asleep,) when some geese, 
that were kept in the temple of Juno, alarmed by 
sounds which they were unaccustomed to hear, set 
up a screaming noise. This roused and awoke the 
sleeping guards. Marcus Manlius, a distinguished 
military officer, alarmed by the noise, snatched up 
his w eapons, and, calling on all other Romans to fol¬ 
low him, hastened to the spot. By a stroke w ith the 
boss, or prominent central part of his shield, he 
tumbled dow ? n a Gaul, who had just secured a foot¬ 
ing on the summit. This man, as he fell, threw 
down several others. In a short time, a considerable 
body of Romans assembled at the place; and these, 
by their javelins and with stones, beat down the re¬ 
mainder of the enemy, so that, in a little while, the 
whole band of Gauls were hurled down the precipice 
and destroyed. Thus w r as the capitol saved. Man- x 
lius was rewarded for the victory, and the officer 
on guard w ? as punished with death for his negligence. 
The geese had likewise a recompence. A golden 
image of a goose was made in memory of the service 
they had performed: a kind of procession was insti¬ 
tuted to their honour; and a flock of geese was. ever 
afterwards maintained at the public expence. 

After their defeat at the capitol, the Gauls began 
to lose their courage. Provisions became scarce, 
and Camillus, being master of nearly the whole ad¬ 
jacent country, posted strong guards on all sides, and 
prevented die Gauls from obtaining forage. Sick- 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 63 

ness also prevailed among them, in consequence of 
their being encamped among dead bodies, and among 
the rubbish and filth of demolished houses. 

The Romans , in the citadel were, if possible, in a 
still worse condition. Pressed hard by famine, and 
ignorant of the operations of Camillus, they sent one 
of the tribunes to offer to the Gauls a thousand pounds 
weight of gold, if they would engage immediately to 
quit the Roman city and territories. They agreed 
to do this, and were properly punished for a very 
shameful infraction of the agreement. When the 
gold was carried to them, they endeavoured to avail 
themselves of false weights, in ascertaining its quan¬ 
tity. At first they did this privately, but afterwards 
openly. On the Romans expressing their just re¬ 
sentment at such conduct, Brennus, in a contemptu¬ 
ous and insulting manner, took off his sword, and 
threw it, with the belt, into the scale. A warm con¬ 
test took place respecting this indignity; and, in the 
height of the dispute, Camillus arrived at the gates of 
Rome. Being informed of what was passing within 
the city, he ordered the main body of his army to 
advance slowly, whilst he, with a select band, march¬ 
ed hastily up to the scene of action. To the asto¬ 
nishment of Brennus, he took the gold out of the 
scales, and gave it to the lictors. He then ordered the 
Gauls to take away the balance and the weights, and 
to depart; telling them that “ it was the custom of 
“ the Romans to deliver their country, not with gold, 
“ but with steel.” Brennus complained of the in¬ 
justice that was done to him by this termination of 
the treaty; but Camillus replied, that “ it had not 
“ been lawfully made; and that it could not be valid 
“ without the consent of himself, who was the dicta- 
" tor and sole magistrate.” The Gauls, incensed at 
such conduct, drew their swords, and rushed on the 
Romans; but they were soon compelled to leave the 
city. They that day retreated to the distance of 


64 


MARCUS PORIUS CAMILLUS. 


about eight miles; and, on the ensuing morning* 
were attacked by Camillus and totally routed. 

The Gauls had been about seven months in posses¬ 
sion of Rome. They entered the city in the month of 
July, and were driven thence in February following. 

As the deliverer of Rome, and restorer of the Ro¬ 
man government, Camillus entered the city in tri - 
urnph . Those persons, who, with their wives and 
children, had quitted the place before the siege, now 
followed his chariot; and the men who had been be- 
seiged in the capitol, met and embraced their former 
friends, weeping for joy at this unexpected gratifica¬ 
tion. The priests, and ministers of the gods, most 
of whom had fled into the country, now also return¬ 
ed, bringing back with them such holy things as they 
had conveyed away. Camillus, who is described by 
Livy to have been peculiarly attentive to all matters 
in which religion is concerned, then offered sacrifice 
to the gods, and ordered the temples to be rebuilt. 

The city had been so entirely demolished , that 
many of the Romans were desirous of transferring 
the seat of government to Vcii. This project, how¬ 
ever, was opposed by Camillus : and the people again 
began to raise clamours against him. He, therefore, 
wisely referred the subject to the judgment of the 
senate; and, whilst preparations were making to 
take the votes of the senators, a centurion of the 
guard, in the act of conducting along his troop, was 
accidentally heard to exclaim: “ Standard-bearer, fix 
“ your standard: it is best for us to stay here.” 
This occurrence was considered, by the superstitious 
Romans, a favourable omen. The senate voted that 
Rome should be restored: and the people no longer 
opposed the work; imagining that the gods had thus 
directed it to be performed. The rebuilding of the 
city was consequently begun. Tiles were supplied 
at the public expence, and liberty was granted to hew 
stones and fell timber wherever any person chose, 
security being taken that the buildings should be 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


65 


completed within the year. From this excessive 
haste, the streets werti made narrow and intricate, the 
houses were ill planned and arranged. All distinc¬ 
tion of property seems to have been lost; and each 
person appears to have constructed his house on any 
spot which he found vacant. Many nuisances were 
the consequence of so bad an arrangement; but the 
public sewers, in particular, became excessively in¬ 
convenient. Formerly they had passed only along 
the course of the streets, but now they passed under 
almost every private house. Camillus, for his late 
important services, was styled: “ The father of his 
country and “ the second founder of Rome.” 

After this the Romans had many difficulties to 
encounter. Among others, a confederacy was 
formed against them by several of the neighbouring 
states: theiEqui, the Volsci, the Etrurians, the Tus¬ 
cans, and the Latins ; and the Romans, as their only 
resource, appointed Camillus, a third time, dicta¬ 
tor. One division of the enemy’s troops laid siege 
to Sutrium , (now called Satri, in Tuscany,) a city in 
alliance with Rome. Another division, which was 
encamped within an entrenchment strongly fortified 
with palisadoes and large masses of timber, enter¬ 
tained hopes of being enabled to attack and destroy 
the principal Roman forces. Camillus, suspecting 
the intentions of the latter, was beforehand in the 
attack. At that season of the year, it was usual for 
the wind, about the time of sun-rising, to blow with 
violence from the mountains. Fie consequently di¬ 
rected a great quantity of combustible matter to be 
collected, and his troops to be in readiness to march 
by day-break. Part of them he ordered, by way of 
feint, to begin an attack, with loud shouts and missile 
weapons; whilst he, with the main body, marched to 
the opposite side—that from which the wind blew. 
When the sun had risen, and the breeze had become 
sufficiently strong, the feint was begun. As soon as 
he imagined the enemy were all engaged in repelling 


66 


MARCUS FURIU8 CAMILLUS. 


that attack, he gave the signal to his men; and, in¬ 
stantly, an immense number of flaming darts and 
other combustible weapons and substances were 
thrown within the enemy’s fortifications. The latter, 
being wholly formed of timber, soon caught fire. 
The flames spread around, and the enemy, not hav¬ 
ing any means of extinguishing them, the whole 
camp was soon in a blaze. In their confusion and 
alarm, they attempted to rush out and escape, but 
were nearly all destroyed. 

By this skilful manoeuvre Camillus succeeded in 
his object; but he had still some powerful foes to 
encounter. Leaving his son in the camp to guard 
and secure the prisoners, and the plunder that had 
been taken, he himself penetrated into the enemy’s 
country. He took the city of the JEqui, and reduced 
the Volsci to obedience. After this he led his army 
to Sutrium , in the hope of being able to relieve that 
city, but it had surrendered before his arrival. The 
inhabitants had given it up, with the loss of every 
thing except the clothes they wore; and, in this con¬ 
dition, Camillus met a great number of them, march¬ 
ing out of the city, accompanied by their wives 
and children, and grievously bewailing their misfor¬ 
tunes. He was extremely affected at the sight; 
and, as his approach was not suspected by the ene¬ 
my, who were all now within the walls, engaged irf 
riot and plunder, he determined to attempt the re¬ 
covery of the city. Unsuspicious of danger, no 
guards had been placed; and Camillus not only 
advanced without being discovered, but had reached 
the gates, and had even taken possession of the walls, 
before the enemy were aware of his approach. In¬ 
deed, they were so enfeebled by feasting and intox¬ 
ication, that they could make no effectual resistance; 
but were either slain in the houses, or surrendered 
themselves to the conquerors. Thus was the city of 
Sutrium taken twice in one day. The new posses- 


MARCUS FURIU9 CAMILLUS. 67 

sors were now expelled, and the old ones restored by 
Camillus. 

It is creditable to the humanity of this famous Ro¬ 
man, that he did not retort upon the enemy the cru¬ 
elty with which they had treated the Sutrians. No 
sooner had he obtained possession of the city, than 
he caused a proclamation to be made, requiring of 
all persons to lay down their arms; declaring that 
the unarmed should be spared, and that none but 
those who made opposition should suffer injury. 

In the course of a very short time, and after hav¬ 
ing effected a conquest over three different enemies, 
Camillus returned to Rome in triumph. A great 
multitude of prisoners, chiefly Etrurians, were led 
before his chariot; and a vast sum of money was 
brought into the treasury ; out of which three large 
golden bowls were made, and, being inscribed with 
the name of Camillus, were placed in a recess in the 
temple of Jupiter. 

In a subsequent war Camillus marched, with the 
Roman army, against the Volsci, the Latins, the 
Hernici, and the Antiates. The assembled troops of 
these nations formed so powerful a force, that the 
Roman soldiery were greatly alarmed, and appeared 
extremely reluctant to engage. This, to Camillus, 
was a mortifying circumstance. He rode between 
the ranks, addressed them in animated and impres¬ 
sive language: then, giving the signal for attack, he 
leaped from his horse, and laying hold of the nearest 
standard-bearer, hurried him onward against the 
enemy, calling aloud: “Soldiers, advance the 
“ standard.” This had some effect, for seeing that 
Camillus, who now, through age, was unequal to acts 
of great bodily exertion, was advancing alone against 
the enemy, they raised a shout, rushed forward, and 
obtained a signal victory. 

The fame of Camillus, and the numerous honours 
which he had obtained, excited great enmity among 
the Romans. This was increased by the conduct of 


68 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


Marcus Manlius, the officer who first repulsed the 
Gauls, when they attempted to take the capitol. He 
insinuated that Camillus was indebted, for his suc¬ 
cesses, to chance or good fortune, rather than to 
either his talents or his bravery. Manlius was de¬ 
sirous of being considered the first man in Rome; 
and, as he was unable to effect the downfall of Camil¬ 
lus in any other manner, he adopted the usual mode 
of discontented persons: he courted the populace, 
and endeavoured to rouse them to acts of insubordi¬ 
nation against the state. He was not, however, able 
to effect bis purpose. The Roman people were satis¬ 
fied that it was their own interest to retain Camillus in 
the government: they consequently refused to adopt 
any plans that would tend to deprive them of his talents. 
Yet, when Manlius was committed to prison for his se¬ 
ditious conduct, the majority of the Roman populace 
put on mourning for him; a testimony of grief which 
was never adopted, except on what were considered 
occasions of great public calamity. The conse¬ 
quence was, that the magistrates, overawed by the 
people, and fearful of insurrection, were compelled 
to set him at liberty. 

Presuming upon the weak and contemptible state 
of the Roman government, Manlius, after his liber¬ 
ation, became more insolent and troublesome than 
before his committal. He filled the whole city with - 
faction and sedition; and his conduct, at last, became 
so daring, that the government was compelled to 
bring him to trial; and the evidence of his treason 
was such, that it was found impossible for the 
judges to acquit him. He was condemned to die, 
was carried to the capitol, and thrown headlong 
down the Tarpeian rock; which thus became the 
monument both of his disgrace and glory. 

Camillus was now about sixty years of age, and 
in a very infirm state of health; and, being desirous 
of retiring from public life, he declined accepting the 
office of military tribune, to which he w r as again no- 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 69 

minated* This office was, however, in some degree 
forced upon him; and he was, immediately after¬ 
wards, directed to march against a considerable 
army of the Volsci and their allies, which, at that 
time, was laying waste the Roman territories. He 
encamped his forces at a little distance from those of 
the enemy; and his colleague, Lucius Furius Me- 
dullinus, imprudently engaged them in so rash and 
precipitate a manner, that the Romans were soon put 
to flight. Though confined, by illness, to his tent, 
Camillus was no sooner informed of the occurrence, 
than, dressing himself, and seizing his sword, he 
rushed to the gate of the camp. Thence, having 
been lifted upon his horse, he forced his way through 
the midst of the fugitives, and rallied them. He ad¬ 
vanced, at their head, against the enemy, and imme¬ 
diately checked the pursuit; and, on the ensuing 
day, put them entirely to flight. 

After his return to Rome, intelligence being re¬ 
ceived of a revolt in Tuscany , the Romans again ap¬ 
pointed him to a chief command in the army, and 
ordered him, with another of the tribunes, to march 
against the insurgents. The terror of his name was 
so great, that the Tuscans, on being informed that 
he was proceeding against them, attempted, by a 
stratagem, to correct their error, and induce the 
Romans to imagine that they had no intention of op¬ 
posing them. When, therefore, the Roman army 
entered the Tuscan territory, they found, in the fields, 
husbandmen and shepherds, occupied in their re¬ 
spective employments, as during a time of profound 
tranquillity. The gates of the city were left open : 
great numbers of the inhabitants came forth to meet 
the generals; and provisions for the Roman troops 
were carried into the camp, both from the city and 
the country. Camillus pitched his camp before the 
gates; and, being desirous of ascertaining whether 
the same appearance of peace prevailed within the 
walls, as he had remarked during his approach, he 


70 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


entered the eity. Here he saw the shops open, and 
tradesmen busied in their respective employments. 
He visited the schools, and observed the children 
at their lessons as usual. Women and children were 
walking about the streets, as their several occupa¬ 
tions seemed to require; and the streets were filled 
with the populace of every sort. There was no ap¬ 
pearance, whatever, either of alarm or of surprise. 
In short, there was not the slightest symptom of 
preparation for war. Camillus was not, however, to 
be deceived by appearances; but the apparent con¬ 
trition of the people excited his compassion. He 
ordered a deputation of them to go to Rome, and to 
entreat the pardon of the senate; and, afterwards, 
when the deputation appeared there, as suppliants, 
he exerted all his influence to procure for them for¬ 
giveness, and a grant of the privileges of Roman 
citizens. 

The Romans, once more relieved from the pressure 
of war, began to quarrel among themselves. An 
alarming sedition , originating in a contest for the 
election of the two consuls, was excited betwixt the 
common people and the nobles. The commons in¬ 
sisted that one of the two should always be a ple¬ 
beian. The election, consequently, did not take 
place; and the senate, after a contest which lasted 
five years, resolved, as their only resource for the 
safety of the state, to create Camillus dictator for the 
fourth time; and entreated of him, for the sake of 
his suffering country, to accept the office. Contrary 
to his own inclination^ie did so; but, after having, 
in vain, endeavoured obviate the danger with 
which the state was threatened, he was obliged to 
resign this important office. 

Influenced, no doubt, by the commotions which 
harassed the commonwealth, the Gauls once more 
marched an immense army towards the Roman capi¬ 
tal. The terror excited by their approach, and the 
recollection of what the country had already suffered 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


71 


from that people, immediately terminated the sedi¬ 
tion; and, the patricians and plebeians becoming 
once more unanimous, Camillus was again chosen 
dictator. 

He was now nearly fourscore years of age, yet, ar¬ 
dently desirous for the safety and the happiness of 
his country, he once more took the command of the 
army, and made the levies that were requisite for in¬ 
creasing it. Though w T eak from bodily infirmity, 
his conduct, on this occasion, proved that, at least, 
his mental faculties were not impaired. 

He knew that the chief weapon used by the Gauls 
was the sword, which they managed without skill, 
and with which they chiefly struck at the head and 
shoulders of their opponents. He therefore furnish¬ 
ed the Roman soldiers with helmets of polished iron ; 
and, round the edges of their shields, he caused plates 
of brass to be fastened. He also caused his men to 
be exercised in the use of long pikes, by which also 
they might be able to avert the effects of the enemy’s 
swords. The Gauls, who had advanced from the 
shores of the Adriatic Sea, reached the river Anio; 
and Camillus, by a masterly stratagem, obtained con¬ 
siderable advantage over them. In consequence of 
this, of his alteration of the weapons of the Romans, 
and the high state of discipline to which, in a short 
time, he had brought the Roman army, the Gauls, 
though greatly superior in numbers, were totally 
defeated. 

Again freed from the fear of external foes, the 
Romans began to quarrel. The contests between the 
senate and the people were renewed; and Camillus, 
contrary to his own inclination, was induced, by the 
senate, to continue in the dictatorship for some time 
after the termination of the war. At length, how¬ 
ever, the people again became so turbulent as to 
overawe the nobles, and he resigned. Not long after 
this, Rome was visited by a dreadful pestilence , 
which carried off an immense number of the inhabit- 


73 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


ants; and, among the rest, Camillus and most of the 
magistrates. 

Camillus stands unreproached with a single in¬ 
stance of those irregularities which often so unfortu¬ 
nately characterize the season of youth ; and, in his 
subsequent life, he amply reaped the benefits of his 
early-acquired good habits ; for, in him, we have an 
instructive example of united honour, integrity, and 
virtue. As a military commander, he enjoyed sixty 
years of victory, unsullied by defeat; and, through 
the whole of a long life, he maintained a character 
equal to his rank of glory, and well deserved the 
honourable appellation which was given to him, of 
being “ the second founder of Rome.” 

Authorities.— Plutarch and Livy. 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 

A Roman nobleman , who, as dictator , commanded the Roman 
armies against Annibal , in the second Carthaginian war , and 
was so remarkable for his cautious proceedings in defensive 
warfare , that he was styled u the shield of Rome." 

He died in the year 549 of Rome , and 205 years before Christ. 


Such w r ere the mildness and general simplicity of his 
conduct, that Fabius Maximus, when a boy , was cha¬ 
racterized by the appellation of Ouicula, or “ little 
“ sheep.” In all his diversions he is said to have 
been peculiarly serious and reserved; and he did 
not appear to attain his early knowledge without 
difficulty. Those, however, who w ere best acquaint¬ 
ed with him, knew r that the seriousness of his dispo¬ 
sition was owing to the depth of his understanding, 
and that his apparent slowness of comprehension 






QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


73 


was occasioned by his considering intently, and fix¬ 
ing indelibly in his memory, the subjects of his study. 
In courage and magnanimity, he excelled all his com¬ 
panions ; and his firmness of mind was almost un¬ 
equalled. He appears to have early imbibed a 
desire for a military life; and he prepared himself, 
by violent exercise of body, for the most arduous 
toils. During his youth he also studied the art of 
public speaking; and he became one of the most elo- 
-quent of the Roman orators. 

He subsequently attained great eminence, both as 
a statesman and a general. He was five times con- 
-sul; and, during his first consulship , he was honour¬ 
ed with a triumph, for a signal victory which he ob¬ 
tained over the Ligurians. 

Some years after this his talents were more fully 
called into action, during the contests which took 
place between the Romans and the Carthaginians. 
At the commencement of the second Carthaginian 
war, after Annibal had taken possession of Saguntum, 
a town near the eastern coast of Spain, the Romans, 
alarmed at the progress he was making, sent Fabius, 
as their ambassador to Carthage , to demand whether 
the conduct of Annibal had been authorized by that 
government. An evasive answer being given, Fa¬ 
bius gathered up his robe into a hollow form: “ Here 
“(said he) we bring you peace and war; take which 
“ you please.” The Carthaginians replied, that 
“ he might give them whether of the two he chose: ’ 
on which, pouring out, as it were, what was in the 
hollow of his robe, Fabius promptly said: “ We give 
you war.” In so doing, he was no doubt well a,ware 
that their resolution had previously been formed. 
Annibal, not long afterwards, invaded Italy, advanced 
through Tuscany, and laid waste all the country 
through which he passed. The Romans began to be 
excessively alarmed for the safety even of their capi¬ 
tal ; but Fabius, in some degree, removed their fears, 
by stating that the enemy were not very numerous, 

. e 


74 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


and that they were much distressed by a want of 
money. He advised that the progress of the Car¬ 
thaginians should merely be checked; and, that bat¬ 
tle should not be given to an army whose vigour, 
with proper attention, might, like a flame wanting 
fuel, be, as he imagined, gradually exhausted till it 
expired. 

This advice, however, was spurned by the consul 
Cains Flaminins, a man of obscure extraction, rash 
and headstrong, who, by the turbulence of his cha¬ 
racter, his invectives against the senate, and his 
praises of the plebeians, had become a distinguished 
favourite among the lower orders. He declared that 
he would never suffer the war to approach the gates 
of Rome; and, no sooner had he assembled his 
forces, than he precipitately marched towards the 
lake of Thrasymene , in Tuscany. Here, his precipi¬ 
tation was, if possible, exceeded by his imprudence ; 
for he drew up his army in the midst of mountains 
which were occupied by the troops of Annibal. The 
consequence was a disadvantageous battle, in which 
himself was slain, and his whole army routed with 
dreadful slaughter. 

The consternation of the Romans, on receiving the 
intelligence of this fatal defeat, was so great, that 
some days elapsed before they could resolve what 
plans of conduct to adopt. At length, they resolved 
to appoint Fabius Maximus to the office of dictator , 
as a man who had spirit, talents, and dignity equal to 
so high a command. He accepted the office but on 
condition that he should be permitted to use a horse 
in the field, a privilege which had been forbidden by 
the ancient Roman laws; and forbidden, either be¬ 
cause the Romans placed their greatest confidence 
in the infantry, and therefore chose that the com¬ 
mander in chief should always be posted among 
them; or because they would have the dictator, 
(whose power, in other respects, was almost arbi- 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 75 

trary,) appear, in this case at least, to be dependent 
upon the people. 

Not long after his appointment, he marched , at the 
head of the Roman army, to watch the motions of 
Annibal: and, in all his proceedings, against that 
general, he acted upon the system of caution which 
he had previously recommended to the Romans. He 
did not intend to fight the Carthaginians, unless he 
was confident of a decided advantage; but he pro¬ 
posed, by harassing them in every possible way, to 
waste their vigour, and thus gradually to destroy 
them. For the purpose of securing his army against 
attack from the enemy’s cavalry, he always endea¬ 
voured to encamp above them, in mountainous situ¬ 
ations. When the enemy was stationary, he was so 
also: when they moved, he likewise moved; but at 
such a distance as not to be compelled to fight 
against his inclination, and yet near enough to keep 
them in perpetual alarm. 

In the depressed state of the Roman armies, at 
this time, such a plan was, no doubt, the most ad¬ 
vantageous that could be adopted, and Annibal, fully 
sensible of this, exerted all his abilities, but in vain, 
to bring Fabius to a general battle. In the hope of 
irritating his pride, he caused a report to be circu¬ 
lated that he had said: “If Fabius be so great a com- 
“ mander as he is reported, let him come forth and 
“ give me battle.” The reply of the wary Roman 
was: “ If Annibal be so great a commander as he 
thinks himself, let him compel me to do so.” 

Annibal is compared, by Plutarch, to a skilful 
wrestler, who watches every opportunity to lay hold 
on his adversary. Sometimes he advanced, and 
alarmed him with the apprehension of an attack: 
sometimes he withdrew his forces, and led him 
from place to place, hoping to seduce him to act in¬ 
cautiously. But all this was in vain. Fabius, con¬ 
vinced of the utility of his plan, resolutely adhered 
to it. 


7G 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


The imprudence of Minucius , his general of horse, 
gave him, however, great trouble. This man fre¬ 
quently harangued the army, respecting what he 
termed these dilatory proceedings; and inspired the 
soldiers with an eager desire to fight the Cartha¬ 
ginians. They, in return, extolled Minucius, as a 
man deserving of the utmost confidence, and one who 
properly supported the dignity of the Roman cha¬ 
racter. As Fabius had usually endeavoured to en¬ 
camp his men in elevated situations, Minucius taunt¬ 
ingly informed the soldiers, that “ the dictator, no 
“ doubt, did this, with the intention that they should 
“ the more easily be able to see Italy laid waste with 
“ fire and the sword.” He said, that “ Fabius pro- 
“ bably intended to take his army into heaven, as he 
“ appeared to have bade adieu to the world below; 
“ or that, perhaps, he hoped, among the clouds and 
“ fogs, to conceal himself from the attack of the 
“ enemy.” 

The friends of Fabius were desirous that he should 
terminate these aspersions, by risking a battle; 
but he resolutely declared, that he should be more 
cowardly than even Minucius had represented him 
to be, if he could be induced to abandon his duty 
from fear of calumny, or by the inconsiderate rash¬ 
ness of those whom he knew to be in error. 

Not long after this, however, he had an opportu¬ 
nity of convincing Minucius that he had no disincli¬ 
nation to meet his opponent in the field, when he be¬ 
lieved he could do so with advantage to his country. 
Annibal had committed an important mistake, by lead¬ 
ing his troops into a valley, the outlet of which Fa¬ 
bius was enabled to block up by a guard of four 
thousand men. Fabius posted the main body of his 
forces to advantage on the surrounding hills, and 
then, with the lightest and most active of his troops, 
he attacked the enemy’s rear, and threw his whole 
army into confusion. 

Annibal had been led into his error by trusting to 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


77 


the information of guides, without having himself 
made due enquiry of the inhabitants of the coun¬ 
try. His situation consequently became a most em¬ 
barrassing one. It was nearly impossible for him to 
force the Romans from the heights of which they 
were in possession; and terror and dismay seemed 
to pervade his whole army. In this apparently in¬ 
extricable difficulty, he had recourse to a very ex¬ 
traordinary stratagem. He had, in his camp, about 
two thousand oxen; and, to the horns of these, he 
ordered a quantity of torches to be fastened. In the 
night, he caused the torches to be lighted; and then 
had the oxen driven towards the narrow pass, which 
was guarded by the Romans. So long as the fire 
was moderate, and burnt only the torches, the ani¬ 
mals moved steadily onward; and the shepherds and 
herdsmen, on the adjacent heights, gazed at them 
with wonder, imagining that what they saw was an 
army, marching, in regular order, with lighted torches. 
Rut when the fire began to give them pain, the oxen 
no longer kept any certain path, but ran furiously 
along, setting on fire all the thickets and woods 
through which they passed. The Romans, who 
guarded the extremity of the valley, were utterly 
astonished. They imagined they saw an immense 
number of men running up and down the sides of the 
hills with torches,which scattered fire in every direction. 
Their alarm was so great, lest they should be sur¬ 
rounded and attacked, that they quitted the pass, and 
fled to the main body of their forces in the camp. 
The light-armed troops of Annibal, immediately af¬ 
terwards, took possession of the outlet, and the rest 
of his forces marched in safety through. 

Before the break of day, Fabius was aware that 
some stratagem had been practised, for several of the 
oxen had entered the Roman camp. But, wholly 
ignorant of its nature, and apprehensive lest, in the 
dark, his whole army might be endangered, he was 
compelled to remain in his entrenchments, keeping 


78 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


his men under arms and on guard. At break of 
day, however, when he had ascertained the extent of 
the danger, he pursued the enemy, came up with 
their rear, and attacked them. Several skirmishes 
ensued, in the difficult passes of the mountains, and 
the army of Annibal was thrown into some disorder; 
but Fabius was unable to obtain any important ad¬ 
vantage. 

This occurrence brought upon Fabius more con¬ 
tempt from the Romans than before. Annibal was 
not unacquainted with the unfavourable opinion 
which they entertained of him, and determined, if 
possible, to increase it. Whilst he ravaged and 
plundered the lands and buildings of all other per¬ 
sons, he artfully placed a guard over those of Fabius, 
to preserve them from injury. The Romans esti¬ 
mated this act precisely in the manner that Annibal 
wished. They raised loud clamours against Fabius, 
asserting that, whilst he pretended to be acting for 
the advantage of his country, he was influenced by 
an interest for the Carthaginians, and was secretly 
promoting their designs. 

But there was one cause of offence wholly distinct 
from that of his conduct in the field. Fabius had 
stipulated with the enemy, that the Romans should 
pay a considerable sum of money for the ransom of 
some of his officers, who had been taken in the war. 
The senate determined not to fulfil this engagement, 
and severely reprimanded him for a proceeding which 
they declared to be equally detrimental to the ho¬ 
nour and the interest of the state. No sooner, how¬ 
ever, was Fabius informed of their determination, 
than he sent his son to Rome, with orders to sell part 
of his estate, and bring the produce of it immediately 
to the camp. The commission was executed, and 
he redeemed the prisoners with his own property. 

Not long after this, he was sent for to Rome, for 
the purpose of assisting in a solemn sacrifice which 
was to be made; and he left his army in the command 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


79 


of Minucius. Now it was that his plans were shown 
to be the most advantageous that could have been 
adopted. Minucius resolved, without delay, to risk 
an engagement. Annibal soon afforded him an op¬ 
portunity of doing this, and, in a partial contest, he 
obtained some apparent advantages. These increased 
both the arrogance of the general and the ardour of 
his soldiers. An exaggerated report of the action 
was conveyed to Rome; and Fabius, well knowing 
what the consequence would be, immediately ex¬ 
claimed, that he “ dreaded nothing so much as the 
“ success of Minucius.” The Roman people, how¬ 
ever, were excessively elated with it. They now 
accused Fabius both of cowardice and of treachery: 
they asserted that, by his dilatory mode of warfare, 
he had enabled Annibal to establish himself securely 
in the country, and it was decreed that, in future, 
Minucius should share the command with Fabius. 

As far as it concerned himself, Fabius bore all 
their conduct without emotion; but he was deeply 
grieved for the injury that he knew his country must 
suffer, by a rash man being thus enabled to indulge 
his own indiscreet ambition for military glory. Ap¬ 
prehensive lest Minucius, during his absence, should 
take some fatal step, he left Rome in haste, and 
joined the army. On his arrival at the camp, he 
found the arrogance of this new commander almost 
beyond endurance. Minucius proposed to take the 
entire command of the army every other day. But 
Fabius would not assent to this. He chose rather 
to divide the forces, taking the command of one half 
of them himself, and giving that of the other half to 
his colleague. 

As soon as Annibal had ascertained that the di¬ 
vision under Minucius was encamped, he contrived, 
by a stratagem, to entice him into the field, and en¬ 
gage him in a disadvantageous fight. Minucius 
imagined that he should be able to obtain a brilliant 
victory over a detached part of the Carthaginian 


80 QUINTUS FAJBIUS MAXIMUS. 

army; but, at the very moment when he believed his 
object was accomplished, his troops were surrounded 
by the enemy, and thrown into confusion. They be¬ 
took themselves to flight; but in flight they found no 
safety. 

Now it was that Fabius w r as enabled to exhibit, 
with advantage, both his talents and his magnani¬ 
mity. Having foreseen what would happen, he 
kept his division in readiness for action. From an 
eminence in front of his camp he watched the pro¬ 
gress of the battle ; and, when he saw the troops of 
his colleague surrounded and broken, and a cry had 
reached his ears, not like that of men standing to the 
charge in hope of victory, but of persons fleeing in 
dismay, after defeat, he commanded his standard- 
bearers to advance. “ Now, my brave soldiers, 
<( (said he,) if you have any regard for Marcus Mi- 
<c nucius, exert yourselves; he well deserves assist- 
“ ance, for his valour and for the love that he bears 
t{ to his country. If, in his eagerness to expel the 
“ enemy, he has committed an error, this is not a time 
“ for us to resent it.” 

The approach of Fabius filled the enemy with 
dismay. He attacked those who were pursuing 
the Romans. Such as made resistance were 
slain, but the greatest part hastily retreated. Anni- 
bal, observing the disorder of the Carthaginians, and 
that Fabius was pushing on, through the hottest of 
the battle, to reach Minucius, who had sought for 
refuge upon a hill, terminated the skirmish by sound¬ 
ing a retreat and retiring into his camp. As he 
withdrew his men, he exclaimed to his officers, with 
vexation; “ Did I not tell you, that this cloud would 
“ one day burst upon us from the mountains with all 
“ the fury of a tempest?” 

It is scarcely possible to imagine a stronger testi¬ 
mony in favour of the Roman dictator than this. 
Happy, indeed, must it have been for the Roman 
army, and happy for Minucius himself, that Fabius 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 81 

liavl retained the command of a portion of the troops. 
Had it been otherwise, all must have been lost. The 
subsequent conduct both of Fabius and Minucius, 
was entitled to the highest commendation. When 
the battle was over, Fabius collected the spoils of 
such Carthaginians as were left dead on the field. 
He then returned to his post, and did not suffer one 
angry expression, respecting his colleague, to escape 
from his lips. Minucius assembled his soldiers, and 
had the candour to acknowledge to them that he had 
been in error, and that he had been taught, in a sin¬ 
gle day, what, during his whole preceding life, he 
had been unable to learn, that he knew not how to 
command an army, and, consequently, that he ought 
to place himself under the direction of one who did. 
“ From this moment (said he) I bid adieu to the am- 
“ bition of excelling a man by whom it is an honour 
“ to be foiled. Your dictator shall be your sole com- 
“ mander; and I will be the first to set you an ex- 
“ ample of obedience and submission.” He then 
ordered the ensigns to advance with the eagles, and 
the troops to follow, himself marching at their head, 
to the camp of Fabius. There he placed the stand¬ 
ard; and, saluting the dictator by the appellation of 
“ Father,” he thus addressed him: “This day, Fa- 
“ bius, you have obtained two victories: one over 
“ the enemy,by your talents and your valour; and the 
“ other over me, your colleague, by your prudence 
“ and humanity. By the former you have saved, by 
“ the latter you have instructed us; and Annibal’s 
“ victory over us is not more disgraceful than yours 
“ is honourable. I call you ‘ Father,’ because I 
“ know not a more honourable appellation; and I 
“ am more indebted to you than to my real father. 
“ To him I owe my being; but to you I owe the 
“ preservation of my life, and the lives of these 
11 brave men." After this he affectionately em¬ 
braced Fabius; and the soldiers of each general were 

e 3 


82 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


unbounded in their expressions of joy at the recon¬ 
ciliation. 

The joy that prevailed in Rome was not less sin¬ 
cere. The same Fabius, who, of late, had been 
treated in so contemptuous a manner, was now hailed 
as the preserver of Rome, the brave and intrepid 
defender of his country. Not long after this, he 
resigned the dictatorship, and Geminus Servilius and 
Marcus Atilius were appointed consuls. 

A subsequent consul, Terentius Varro , had the 
command of the Roman army; and his temerity 
and inexperience, greater than even those of Minu- 
cius, led him to actions which proved extremely 
injurious to the commonwealth. 

This man was the son of a butcher; and, for some 
time, had followed his father’s trade. But, becom¬ 
ing rich, he sought the consulship and obtained it, 
by a servile compliance with all the desires of the 
people. In the popular assemblies, he incessantly 
declaimed against the war as it had been conducted 
by Fabius. He asserted that, hitherto, no advan¬ 
tages had been gained ; but that, on the same day, 
he would come within sight of the enemy and defeat 
him. His vain and confident boasting obtained for 
him the post that he desired; and so great was his 
influence with the people, that he was enabled to 
levy a much more numerous army than the Romans 
had ever before raised. 

His colleague was Paulus JEmilius, a man of 
talent and experience. Fabius entreated of this 
officer, to withstand, to the utmost of his power, the 
temerity of Varro. This he did, but to little pur¬ 
pose, for Varro insisted on each of them having the 
entire command of the army on alternate days. 
Scarcely any project could have been more injurious 
than this. When it came to Varro’s turn to take the 
command, he posted his army opposite to that of 
Annibal, on the bank of a river, near the village of 
Cannes, and immediately made the signal for battle. 




QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


83 


Annibal was rejoiced to see it. An engagement 
took place, and the Romans were totally defeated, 
with a loss of near fifty thousand men. 

The fate of ZEmilius was most deplorable. Early 
in the fight he received a severe wound from a sling. 
Notwithstanding this, at the head of a compact band 
of soldiers, he opposed himself to the Carthaginian 
commander; and, in several places, restored the 
battle. When unable to manage his horse, he dis¬ 
mounted, and fought on foot. At length, borne off 
the field by the overwhelming torrent of the fight, 
and covered with darts, pieces of which stuck in his 
wounds, he sate down on a stone in anguish and 
despair, waiting for the enemy to approach and 
despatch him. His head and face were so disfigured 
and besmeared with blood, that many even of his 
servants passed by without knowing him. At last, 
Cornelius Lentulus, a young nobleman, perceiving 
who he was, alighted, and implored of TEmilius to 
mount his horse and save himself. No entreaties, 
however, could prevail with him to do so. He took 
the young man by the hand: “ Tell Fabius Max- 
“ imus,” said he, “ and do you Lentulus bear wit- 
“ ness, that Paulus iEmilius followed his directions 
“to the last: that he did not in the least deviate 
“ from them, but that he was first overcome by 
“ Varro, and then by Annibal!” Having sent off 
Lentulus with this commission, he rushed into the 
ranks of the enemy and was slain. 

The battle of Cannae , which was fought in the year 
of the city 537, was one of the most disastrous 
events that had occurred since the foundation of 
Rome. It produced so important a change in the 
affairs of Annibal, that, although he had not, pre¬ 
viously, possessed either town, magazine, or port, in 
Italy; and was without any regular supplies for the 
war; yet he then became master of the greatest part 
of the country. Annibal himself was astonished at his 
success. Maherbal, one of his generals, advised 


84 QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 

him to take advantage of it, and immediately to 
march to Rome; as, by so doing, he might render 
himself master of the capitol! He applauded the 
zeal of his friend, but did not dare to follow his 
advice. On which Maherbal replied: “ You, Anni- 
“ bal, know how to obtain victory, but you know 
“ not how to use it!” 

The merits of Fabius now began to be duly 
appreciated, even by the Roman multitude. Those 
proceedings, which, hitherto, had been deemed timid 
and cowardly, were now considered to have been 
directed by councils more than human. Rome 
placed in him her last hope; and in her distress, 
surrendered the management of her affairs chiefly to 
him. 

Without a correct knowledge of the character of 
Fabius, it would seem most extraordinary that he, 
who, in times of apparent security, had appeared 
deficient in confidence and resolution, should now, 
when all had abandoned themselves to despair, be 
seen walking about the city with a calm and digni¬ 
fied air, a firm countenance, and a mild and encou¬ 
raging address, checking the effeminate lamentations 
of the people, and preventing them from assembling 
in public, to bewail their misfortunes. His enemies 
might have insinuated that this conduct had been oc¬ 
casioned by his enmity to Rome, and that he had secret 
wishes for the success of its foes. But this they did 
not dare to do. Fabius exhibited too much anxiety 
for the welfare of his countrymen, to have admitted 
of such an insinuation. Fie assembled the senate, 
and, with indefatigable zeal, encouraged and aided 
the magistrates in all their measures for the security 
of the city, and the restoration of the army. So 
great was the terror which had been excited, that he 
was obliged to place guards at all the gates of the 
city, to prevent multitudes of the inhabitants from 
quitting their dwellings and fleeing into the country. 
After awhile, information was brought that Annibal, 



QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


85 


instead of marching towards Rome, which every one 
feared and imagined he would have done, had pro¬ 
ceeded to another part of Italy. The Romans on 
this took courage. They collected a considerable 
force, and appointed, for their consuls, Fabius 
Maximus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus. 

The character of Marcellus was very different 
from that of Fabius. He possessed an intrepid and 
enterprising spirit, and the most animated valour ; 
and was well skilled in the art of war. Notwith¬ 
standing this, he had the good sense to accord with 
Fabius in his plans, of following Annibal without 
fighting him, checking him wherever it was possible, 
with safety, to do so; and allowing him no repose to 
recruit his strength, after his fatigue. Fabius w’as 
justly called the “ shield,” and Marcellus the 
“ sword” of Rome; and the Romans, at this period, 
were accustomed to say, that the steadiness and 
caution of the one, in conjunction with the vivacity 
and boldness of the other, formed an admirable 
compound. By the motions of Marcellus, which 
resembled those of a torrent, the forces of Annibal 
w r ere often broken and disconcerted; whilst, by those 
of Fabius, who moved like a silent but constant 
stream, they w'ere undermined and insensibly weak¬ 
ened. With these two generals, as praetors, consuls 
or proconsuls, he had to contend during nearly the 
whole remainder of the w ? ar. Marcellus was, indeed, 
deceived in one of his stratagems and slain; but 
Annibal never succeeded in effectually deceiving 
Fabius. 

In one instance, however, he had nearly done so. 
He caused letters to be forged, as if from the inhabi¬ 
tants of Metapontum, a town of Lucania, offering to 
deliver up the place to Fabius. The Roman general 
was delighted with the prospect of obtaining posses¬ 
sion of this town, and ordered a strong party to be 
prepared for marching thither in the night. But, 
before they set out, he discovered the stratagem, and 


86 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


escaped the danger which otherwise would have 
awaited him. 

Fabius, at all times, treated his soldiers with great 
mildness and affability ; and he was little inclined 
either to suspect them of treachery, or even to treat 
them with severity, when he had reason to suspect 
them. A remarkable instance of this has been 
recorded. He was informed that one of his soldiers, 
a native of Lucania, often quitted his post and went 
out of the camp. Fabius enquired the character of 
the man; and every one declared that there were 
few men in the army who had afforded more re¬ 
markable proofs of valour and good conduct than 
he. On enquiring into the cause of the man’s 
irregularity, it appeared that he visited a young wo¬ 
man, whom he loved, and that, for the purpose of 
seeing her, he ventured out of the camp, and made a 
long and dangerous journey every night. Fabius 
gave orders that the woman should be secretly 
brought into his tent. After she had arrived, he 
sent for the soldier, and, taking him aside, said: “ I 
“ am well aware that you have been many nights 
“ out of the camp, in breach of the Roman disci- 
“ pline and laws; at the same time I am not ignorant 
“ of your past services. In consideration of these 
“ I pardon your crime; but, for the future, I must 
‘‘give you in charge to a person who shall be 
“ answerable for you.” While the soldier stood 
amazed at this address, Fabius produced the wo¬ 
man. “ This,” said he, “ is the person who engages 
“ that you shall remain in the camp: we shall now 
“ see, whether it was not some traiterous design, 

“ which drew you from your duty, and for which 
“ the love of this woman served merely as a pretext.” 

It was by another love affair that Fabius re¬ 
covered the city of Tarenium , which, during his 
absence, had been treacherously delivered up to 
Annibal. But, on this occasion, he acted with great 
cruelty: for, on taking possession of the place, lest 


QUINTUS FAEIUS MAXIMUS. 


87 


it should appear to have been betrayed to him, he 
caused several of the inhabitants to be put to the 
sword: no fewer than thirty thousand of the citizens 
were sold for slaves, and the city itself was given up 
to plunder. That his operations in taking this place 
might be conducted with the greater certainty of 
success, Fabius, by a skilful stratagem, had contrived 
to draw Annibal to a distance from it. As soon, 
however, as the Carthaginian had discovered the de¬ 
ception, he hastened back, and, being within five miles 
of Tarentum when it was taken, he exclaimed to his 
men, “ The Romans too have their Annibal; for we 
“have lost Tarentum in the same manner that we 
“ gained it.” On this occasion it was that Annibal 
first acknowledged to his friends, “ that he had 
“ always thought it difficult to conquer Italy: but 
“ that he now saw it was impossible to do so, with 
“ the forces which he possessed.” 

This achievement was considered by the Romans 
of so much importance, that they decreed to Fabius 
the honour of a splendid triumph. Even his enemies 
were compelled to acknowledge, not only that he 
had gloriously maintained the field against his an¬ 
tagonist, but that, hitherto, he had baffled all the 
schemes of the great Carthaginian hero. The 
army of Annibal was now enervated, and nearly worn 
down by fatigue. 

Among other honours which the Romans paid to 
Fabius, was the election of his son to the office ol 
consul; and a very remarkable circumstance has 
been related concerning the conduct of the younger 
Fabius towards his father. When he had entered 
upon his office, and was arranging some affairs rela¬ 
tive to the war, his father, mounted on horseback, 
happened to ride towards him. As soon as the 
consul saw him, he sent to him one of the lictors, 
with orders that he should dismount and approach 
on foot. This procedure, which gave great offence 
to many of the persons present, afforded satisfaction 


88 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


to Fabius. He alighted from his horse, ran to his 
son, and, embracing him with affection, said: “ My 
“ son, I applaud both your sentiments and your con- 
“ duct: you know what kind of people you have to 
“ command, and you have a just sense of the dignity 
“ of your office. This is the way which our fathers 
“ took, to advance Rome to her present height of 
“ glory; they always considered the honour and inte- 
“ rest of their country, before those of their own 
“ families.” There seems reason to suppose that 
Fabius had intentionally approached his son on 
horseback; for Livy states that, after he had dis¬ 
mounted, he exclaimed, ** I wished, my son, to try 
“ whether or not you knew that you were consul!” 

We now enter into an important epoch in the 
Roman history; commencing about the year of the 
city, 547, when Publius Cornelius Scipio was ap¬ 
pointed consul. He had served with great renown 
in Spain, and, ridiculing the notion of wearing out 
the Carthaginians, by watching the motions of An- 
nibal in Italy, he boldly resolved to transfer the seat of 
war into Africa; to fill the enemy’s country with the 
Roman legions; to extend his ravages there in every 
direction; and to attempt the capture even of Car¬ 
thage itself. 

Fabius objected to this project, fearful that 
operations carried on at so great a distance, and by 
one whom he considered a rash and indiscreet young 
man, might involve his country in ruin. He used 
every means in his power to persuade the Romans 
not to assent to the wishes of Scipio. With the 
senate he was successful; but he could not so easily 
convince the people, who were inclined to believe 
that the opposition of Fabius proceeded either from 
envy of the success of Scipio in Spain, or from a 
secret fear, that, if Scipio should now achieve some 
signal exploit, and thus terminate the war, his own 
slow proceedings, through the course of so many 
years, might be imputed to indolence or timidity. 
The conduct of Fabius appears to have been occa- 



QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS.. 89. 

sioned by an excess of caution. At the outset, he 
probably thought the danger great which attended 
the project of Scipio; but, in the progress of his 
opposition, he seems to have been influenced by a 
jealousy of Scipio’s rising glory. He used all his 
endeavours to prevent the raising of money for the 
expedition; and sought, in every possible way, to 
impede the plans of Scipio. In the public assem¬ 
blies he declared that, “ in avoiding a personal 
“ contest with Annibal, Scipio was carrying away, 
“ into a foreign country, the remaining strength of 
“Italy;” and he so much alarmed the people, that 
Scipio was suffered to sail for Africa, with a very 
inferior force. 

Scipio, however, had not long been in Africa, 
before accounts w r ere brought to Rome of several 
wonderful achievements performed by him. These 
accounts were followed by rich spoils. A Numidian 
king, named Syphax, was taken prisoner. Two 
camps were burned, and fifty thousand of the enemy 
were either slain or taken prisoners. 

Notwithstanding all this, Fabius was incessant in 
expressing dissatisfaction at the proceedings of 
Scipio. And, w'hile nearly every tongue was loud 
in praise of this general, Fabius alone proposed that 
he should be deprived of his command. 

So extraordinary an opposition gave great offence 
to the people. But Fabius was now old, nearly in 
his ninetieth year, and almost superannuated. In¬ 
deed, his declaration, after Annibal, in consequence 
of the successes of Scipio in Africa, had been obliged 
to quit Italy, seems to prove this. He affirmed that 
“ the commonwealth was now come to its last and 
“worst trial; and that there was greater reason to 
“ dread the efforts of Annibal, when he should arrive 
“ in Africa and attack Scipio under the walls of Car- 
“ thage, than there had ever been during his cam- 
“ paigns in Italy.” Thus, when the pressure of war 
Was removed across the sea, he pretended to imagine 


90 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


that the danger was more imminent, than when it 
had threatened to approach the gates of Rome. 

All the predictions ofFabius failed. Scipio de¬ 
feated Annibal in a pitched battle; and thus restored 
a firmness to the commonwealth, of which it had 
long been deprived. Fabius, however, did not live 
to hear even of this overthrow of Annibal; for, 
shortly after the Carthaginians had sailed from Italy, 
he was seized with a fatal disorder, which terminated 
his life, at the great age of about an hundred years, 
in the year of the city 549, and 205 years before the 
birth of Christ. 

The Romans, notwithstanding all the prejudices 
which, during his life, had been excited against him, 
honoured the body ofFabius with a public funeral. 
The expence of this, however, was not defray¬ 
ed out of the public treasury, but by the contri¬ 
butions of the citizens individually. They were 
desirous that he should be interred as the father of 
the people; and that those who particularly honoured 
his memory, might thus be enabled to render him the 
public homage which they believed his merits to 
deserve. 

Few men have exhibited more remarkable exam¬ 
ples of resolution in adversity, and of moderation in 
prosperity, than Fabius Maximus. It was when the 
Romans were in the midst of disgrace and distress, 
and almost despaired of being able any longer to 
continue a nation, that they committed the manage¬ 
ment of their affairs to him. At this time, he had, 
before his eyes, the frightful picture of defeat and 
disaster, of Roman consuls and generals slain, of 
fields and forests containing the dead bodies of whole 
armies. Notwithstanding all this, his intrepidity was 
unshaken. In the midst of the clamour, accusation, and 
reproach, which his enemies and rivals heaped upon 
him, he exhibited the firmest and most invincible pa¬ 
tience. And, afterwards, with a magnanimity that 
cannot be exceeded, and has not often been equalled, 


QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


91 


he saved, from destruction, and protected the repu¬ 
tations of many of those very men who had sought 
his ruin. How admirably also did he sustain the 
character of a humane and benevolent commander, 
when he sold even his own property to ransom, from 
captivity, those companions in arms, who had fallen 
into the hands of their Carthaginian enemies! Fa- 
bius was, on all occasions, solicitous to inspire his 
troops with the truest spirit of Roman courage; but 
it was also his care to instruct them, that valour 
would avail them little without the favour of heaven: 
that to obtain this was their first duty; and that, 
after having obtained it, no enemy was to be feared. 
Hence he was punctual in fulfilling all those religious 
duties, which, at the period in which he lived, were 
considered requisite to appease the anger, and obtain 
the favour of a Supreme Being, worshipped under 
many different appellations. 

There are, however, a few particulars in the histo¬ 
ry of Fabius, which an admirer of his character would 
be desirous of passing over in silence. One of these 
was the cruelty which he exercised towards the in¬ 
habitants of Tarentum; and another, his conduct 
towards Scipio. But, there are so many circum¬ 
stances of his life which deserve our admiration, that 
these become eclipsed by his numerous excellences. 
In the character of Fabius Maximus, it is peculiarly 
deserving of remark, that “ it was not by any foreign 
“ expedition, not by invading the countries of peace- 
“ ful nations, not by extending the power and domi- 
“ nions of Rome, that he gained his glorions name: 
“ but by his services to his country, in that most just 
“ of all military labours, a defensive war.” 


Authorities .—Plutarch ami Lmj . 


92 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


A Roman general of plebeian descent , who , os consul , :<w fac- 
ccssfully employed in a war against the Gauls , 7oo/c Syracuse 
after a siege of three years , was 77?e colleague of Fall us Max¬ 
imus in the second Carthaginian war , defeated Annibal at 
Nola ; but was slain by a stratagem of that general in Apulia , 
in the year of Rome 545, a«(7 209 ?/ea?s before the birth of 
Christ. 


All that is known respecting the origin or the early 
years of Marcellus is, that he was descended from a 
plebeian, but respectable family in Rome, and was 
early trained to arms. He had a strong and mus¬ 
cular frame, and a powerful arm; a quick compre¬ 
hension, and great talent, both natural and acquired; 
and received his surname in consequence of his mar¬ 
tial character. 

One of the first actions recorded of him is, that, 
whilst with the Roman army in Sicily, seeing his bro¬ 
ther in danger, he protected him, and slew the per¬ 
sons by whom he was attacked. For numerous acts 
of bravery, during his youth, he received crowns 
and other military honours. At an early period of 
life he was chosen curule cedile , and was elected into 
the college of augurs; and it is an addition to his 
glory, that his virtues were uncorrupted by pride; 
and that they increased with his honours and his 
years. 

In the year of the city 531, the Romans vrere in¬ 
volved in a contest with the Cisalpine Gauls, and 
Marcellus was appointed consul. Vast preparations 
were made, to oppose the Gaulish army; which, ad¬ 
vancing in formidable array, had passed the Alps 
and had approached the banks of the Po. Marcel¬ 
lus headed the command of the Roman troops, and no 
sooner had he correctly ascertained the direction in 



MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


93 


which the enemy were advancing, than he hastened 
to meet them. The two armies encountered near 
the little town of Clastidium , in Liguria. 

The Romans had no time to obtain either rest or 
refreshment, for the enemy, having perceived their 
approach, rushed furiously upon them. Viridoma- 
rus, the king of the Gauls, a man of immense stature, 
clad in armour, richly adorned with gold and silver, 
and ornamented with the most brilliant colours, see¬ 
ing Marcellus, and judging, from his ensigns of au¬ 
thority, that he was the Roman consul, advanced 
considerably before his men, brandished his spear, 
and loudly challenged his opponent to single combat. 
A little while before this, Marcellus had vowed to 
Jupiter that, if he were successful, he would conse¬ 
crate to him the choicest of the enemy’s armour; 
and, when he saw the Gaulish chief, thus decorated, 
he imagined the gods had indicated that his vow 
would be accomplished. He therefore accepted the 
challenge; and, in an irresistible attack, pierced, 
with his spear, the breast of his opponent, threw him 
upon the ground and slew him. Marcellus leaped 
from his horse, took off the armour from the king, 
and, in performance of his vow, consecrated it to 
Jupiter. The Roman soldiers also imagining that 
they had obtained a supernatural indication of suc¬ 
cess, immediately rushed upon their foes, and ob¬ 
tained a decisive victory over them. 

Marcellus was the third Roman chieftain who had 
slain a king in battle, and had thus obtained what 
were called the opimc spoils; that is, the armour of 
the commander who had been slain. These spoils 
were allowed to be carried, in the triumphal proces¬ 
sion before the victor. The other successful Roman 
chiefs were Romulus, who slew Acrion king of the 
Coeninenses, and Cornelius Cossus, who slew Tolum- 
nius, king of the Vegentes. 

No sooner was this important victory made known 
in Rome, than the senate decreed that Marcellus 


94 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


should be honoured with a triumph. On his entering 
the city, the rich display of arms and baggage that 
had been taken, the prodigious stature of the cap¬ 
tives who marched in the triumphal procession, and 
the great magnificence with which the whole was 
conducted, excited general admiration. But the 
most remarkable object in the spectacle was Marcel¬ 
lus, carrying the armour of Viridomarus. He had 
caused the trunk of a mountain-oak to be hewn into 
the form of a trophy; and had adorned it with the 
spoils of the Gaulish king. When the procession 
began to move, Marcellus ascended his chariot, and 
passed through the city with the trophy upon his shoul¬ 
ders. The army followed, clad in armour, and sing¬ 
ing odes composed for the occasion, and songs of 
triumph, in honour of Jupiter and of their general. 
When they came to the temple of Jupiter, Marcellus 
there set up his trophy, and consecrated it to that 
god. rL - * 

So much delighted w T ere the Roman people at 
this sudden and unexpected termination of the war, 
that they made an offering to Apollo, at Delphi, of 
an immense golden cup, in testimony of their grati¬ 
tude to heaven for deliverance from so powerful and 
ferocious an enemy. 

It was not very long after this that Marcellus had 
many important contests with Annibal, the Cartha¬ 
ginian general. Annibal had entered Italy; and, 
near Cannae, a village in Apulia, had defeated the 
Romans with a loss greater than they had ever before 
experienced in one battle. Elated by this success, it 
was expected that he would march immediately to 
Rome. The Romans were in dreadful consterna¬ 
tion. They armed every man who was capable of 
serving, and gave the chief command of their forces 
jointly to Marcellus and Fabius Maximus. The 
latter w f as a general of great talent, and celebrated 
for the cautious policy with which all his operations 
were conducted. The Romans were inclined to 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


05 


consider him too dilatory: hence they were desirous 
of joining with him a man whom they could trust, 
and who would act with vigour. 

Instead of marching towards Rome, as had been 
expected, Annibal proceeded to Capua; and, after 
having taken possession of that city, passed there the 
winter. Having no enemy near them, to dread, the 
Carthaginian troops spent the greatest part of their 
time in indolence and dissipation. One consequence 
of this was, that they became extremely weakened 
and disorderly. Marcellus, who was well informed 
respecting the state of the Carthaginian camp, con¬ 
sidered this a fit opportunity for the Roman army to 
act. He, consequently, made a rapid march, sud¬ 
denly attacked the enemy, and destroyed great num¬ 
bers of them. Hastening thence, he proceeded to 
Kola, a fortified town, not far from Naples, and, at 
that time, garrisoned by the Romans. He entered 
the town; and, having drawn up his forces, and 
placed his baggage near the gates, he strictly pro¬ 
hibited any of the inhabitants from going upon the 
walls. Annibal, who had previously been there, 
tampering with the inhabitants, to surrender the 
place to him, again approached. Not observing any 
hostile appearance, he incautiously advanced to the 
walls. At this moment Marcellus commanded the 
gate next him to be opened; and, sallying forth, with 
the best of his cavalry, furiously attacked the enemy 
in front: soon afterwards, the infantry, with loud 
shouts, rushed out at another gate; and, whilst An¬ 
nibal was dividing his forces to encounter these two 
parties, a third gate was opened, and the rest of the 
Roman troops issued forth. The Carthaginians, ex¬ 
cessively disconcerted by so unexpected an assault, 
were compelled to return to Capua with considerable 
loss. 

In gratitude for his services, the Romans, in the 
year of the city 537, again appointed Marcellus to 
the office of consul; but he was prevented from ac- 


9G MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 

cepting it, in consequence of a thunder-storm, which 
occurred during the time of the election. This was 
pronounced by the augurs to be an unfavourable 
omen; and they asserted that the election must be 
rendered void. Marcellus did not, however, lose 
the command of the army, for this was continued to 
him, in quality of pro-consul; after which he return¬ 
ed to Kola. During his absence, several of the in¬ 
habitants of Nola had declared themselves in favour 
of the Carthaginians. Annibal, in consequence of 
this, offered Marcellus battle ; but he declined fight¬ 
ing, when he saw that his adversary might possibly 
obtain an important advantage over him. About 
four days afterwards, however, when he had ascer¬ 
tained that Annibal, not suspecting the Romans 
would venture to encounter him, had sent out a 
considerable part of his army in search of forage, 
Marcellus suddenly attacked the Carthaginians, and 
again defeated them. 

In the ensuing year Marcellus was once more no¬ 
minated to the consulship. He now sailed with a 
powerful force into Sicily, in consequence of the 
Carthaginians having obtained possession of Syracuse, 
the chief city of that island. He attacked the place, 
by storm, and took it; but, a little while afterwards, 
during his absence in another part of the island, it 
was retaken. This was so mortifying to him, 
that, immediately quitting all other concerns, he 
marched with his whole army, encamped before the 
city, and invested it both by sea and land. 

The management of the army he gave to Appius 
Claudius, the praetor; and he took the command of 
the fleet himself. Among other offensive weapons, 
he had with him a prodigious engine, which was car¬ 
ried upon eight galleys fastened together. With 
this he approached the walls of the city, relying, for 
success, on the number of his batteries, and his vari¬ 
ous instruments of war, as well as on his own talents 
and experience. But he had not calculated on the 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


97 


difficulties he should have to encounter from the 
talents of a single inhabitant of Syracuse; a philo¬ 
sopher named Archimedes. 

The Syracusans were excessively terrified; but 
Archimedes was fully confident in the means that he 
could apply for the defence of the place. The city 
walls, having been built along unequal eminences, 
were, in most parts, high and difficult of access; but, 
in others, they were low and liable to attack. These 
walls were furnished, by Archimedes, with engines of 
various kinds, adapted to the nature of the different 
parts. The attack was commenced by Marcellus 
from the ships. Eight of his largest vessels were 
fastened in pairs; and upon them were erected tur¬ 
rets several stories high, having machines of various 
kinds for demolishing the walls. Archimedes at¬ 
tacked these with his engines; and, on the ships, 
which lay at a distance, he discharged stones of im¬ 
mense size and weight. In a part of the walls, near 
which the ships were most crowded, he used an en¬ 
gine composed of a long lever, supported at the mid¬ 
dle, and fixed in such manner that one arm of it pro¬ 
jected beyond the wall. From the extremity of this 
hung a strong chain, with an iron grapple, or two 
strong claws, at the end. The weight of the iron 
caused it to fall with great violence, and drove it 
into the planks of the galleys. The persons, on the 
walls, then loading, with lead, the opposite end of the 
lever, raised it up, and, with it, the bow of the vessel 
to which the grapple or claws were fastened, at the 
same time sinking the stern into the water. After 
this, the grapple suddenly letting go its hold, the 
stern of the vessel fell with such force into the sea, 
that the whole was filled with water and sunk. We 
are told that other vessels w'ere caught hold of by 
grapples, and drawn towards the shore; where, being 
whirled about and dashed against the rocks, they 
w r ere broken to pieces. Plutarch states that, in 
some instances, the ships w'ere seen lifted up high 

F 


93 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


above the sea, where they were whirled round 
until the men were thrown out of them, by the vio¬ 
lence of the motion; and that they were then split 
against the walls, or sunk, on the engines letting go 
their hold. With respect to the great machine of 
Marcellos, Archimedes, whilst it w r as at a consider¬ 
able distance from the walls, is said to have dis¬ 
charged upon it a stone of enormous weight, and 
after that a second and a third; all of which falling 
with amazing force, shattered it to pieces. We are 
also told that Archimedes, at last, by means of a 
combination of mirrors, so concentrated the rays of 
the sun, as to set fire to the Roman fleet. Some al¬ 
lowance must, no doubt, be made for the exagge¬ 
rated statements of the ancient writers; but, what¬ 
ever the operations of Archimedes may have been, 
the effects of them were such as to compel Marcel- 
lus not only to draw off his vessels, but to order his 
land forces to retreat. Against the latter he is said 
to have shot missile weapons, and stones of such 
enormous size, as to have overturned and crushed 
whatever came in their way, and to have spread ter¬ 
rible destruction throughout the ranks. 

Marcellus, however, did not raise the siege; he 
only retired, for the purpose of changing his mode 
of attack. By the recommendation of his officers, 
he was induced silently to approach the walls in the 
night, hoping to take the unsuspecting Syracusans 
by surprise; but, no sooner had he reached them, than 
his men were assailed by such a shower of darts, and 
w r ere pelted with such huge pieces of rock, that they 
were compelled to retire with precipitation. When 
Marcellus had again collected his troops, he smiled 
at the puny efforts of his own engineers, and said to 
them, in a bantering manner: “ Why do we not 
“ cease to contend with this mathematical Briareus, 
“ who, sitting on the shore, has baffled all our as- 
“ saults; and, in striking us with such a multitude 
“ of bolts at once, exceeds even the hundred-handed 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


99 


“ giants mentioned in our fables V* The Roman 
soldiers became so much terrified, that, if they saw 
but a rope or a stick put beyond the walls, they 
imagined that Archimedes was levelling his weapons 
at them, and instantly fled. The consequence was, 
that Marcellus was obliged to give up all thoughts 
of proceeding by assault; and to convert the siege 
into a blockade. He therefore so surrounded the 
place, with his troops and ships, that no supplies 
whatever, either of stores or provisions, could be 
sent into it. He thus hoped to starve the inhabi¬ 
tants into submission. 

After a little while, however, he contrived to take 
the city by stratagem. When the place w r as in¬ 
vested, one of the principal inhabitants was taken 
prisoner. The Syracusans were desirous of ransom¬ 
ing him, by the payment of a sum of money; and 
many conferences were held for that purpose. In 
one of these Marcellus, who w T as always on the 
watch to take advantage of any inadvertence of his 
enemy, noticed a tower in the walls which was but 
slightly guarded. Into this he imagined that he 
could privately convey a considerable number of 
men. On a particular night, the festival of Diana, 
when the Syracusans had drunk freely, and had 
abandoned themselves to dissipation, Marcellus not 
only obtained possession of the tower, but, before 
daylight, had occupied the walls of all that quarter, 
with soldiers. This facilitated for him an entrance; 
and, shortly afterwards, he succeeded in taking pos¬ 
session of the citv. 

*/ 

It is lamentable to read the occurrences which 
then took place. The authority of Marcellus was 
insufficient to restrain the licentious barbarity of 
the Roman soldiers. No sooner were they in pos¬ 
session of Syracuse, than they plundered, burnt, and 
levelled with the ground, the greatest number of the 
houses; and, in numerous instances, were guilty of 
the most wanton acts of barbarity. 

r 2 


100 MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS* 

I K V • | ( y /T 

Archimedes was slain, and several different ac¬ 
counts have been given of his death. One of these 
states that, at the time the city was taken, he was in 
his study, engaged in mathematical researches; and, 
that his mind was so intently occupied with the subject 
before him, that he neither heard the noise of the 
Romans, nor perceived that the Syracusans had lost 
their city. A soldier is said to have suddenly en¬ 
tered his room, and ordered the philosopher to fol¬ 
low him to Marcellus; and, on his refusing to do 
this, till he had finished his problem, the man drew 
his sword and killed him. Another account relates 
that the soldier went with a determination to destroy 
him; and that, Archimedes perceiving this, only re¬ 
quested a few r minutes respite, that he might not 
leave his demonstration imperfect; but that the sol¬ 
dier, regarding neither the philosopher nor his de¬ 
monstration, laid him dead at his feet. A third ac¬ 
count informs us that, as Archimedes was himself 
going to Marcellus, and carrying in his hand a box, 
containing some curious mathematical instruments, 
lie was met by a party of soldiers, who, imagining 
that it w r as filled with gold, slew him, and took it 
away. 

Marcellus extremely regretted the death of this 
illustrious philosopher. He sent for his relations, 
and, as the only mode of recompence he could make, 
for the loss they had sustained, he conferred upon 
them many signal favours. Indeed, none of the 
Roman generals had a greater regard for equity than 
Marcellus. He was kind to all who deserved his 
regard; and so many benefits did he confer both 
upon cities and individuals, that if, in some in¬ 
stances, he has been accused of severity, the blame 
ought, perhaps, to be attributed more to the sufferers 
than to him. 

In the siege of Syracuse he w r as occupied nearly 
three years; and after the place was taken, and he 
had made arrangements for the security of Sicily, he 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


101 


was called to Rome, for the purpose of conducting a 
war in his own country. He carried away with him 
a great number of valuable statues and paintings, 
with which he intended to embellish his triumph. 
Hitherto the Roman capital had not possessed any 
curiosities of this kind: it was wholly a stranger to 
the charms of taste and elegance; for all its spoils 
had, till this period, been taken from barbarous na¬ 
tions. 

The historian, Livy, thus moralizes respecting the 
articles that were brought from Sicily. “ These 
(he says) were, no doubt, the spoils of enemies, 
and were acquired by the right of war, yet they 
gave rise to a taste for admiring the works of 
Grecian artists, and to the consequent unbounded 
rapacity with which all places, both sacred and 
profane, were plundered; and which was, at last, 
exercised even against the deities of Rome.” 

Marcellus was applauded by many of the Roman 
people, for introducing, into their city, curiosities in 
the Grecian taste; but others blamed him for bringing 
them: these asserted that such things would tend to 
effeminate a people whose most important pursuits 
were agriculture and war. The enmity thus excited, 
absurd as it may appear, caused a strong opposition 
to be made to his entering Rome in triumph; and he 
was consequently honoured with only what was 
called the lesser triumph. He, however, passed 
Mount Alba, about twelve miles from the city, in a 
very splendid manner; and, when he entered Rome, 
all the spoils which he had taken were borne in pro¬ 
cession before him. Among other articles -were a 
model, representing the captured city of Syracuse; 
various engines used in war: the valuable orna¬ 
ments collected by the kings of Sicily, at a vast ex¬ 
pence, and during a long continuance of peace; 
abundance of wrought silver, and brass furniture of 
various kinds; precious garments and many fine 
statues. Eight elephants, animals that had been 


102 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


employed in battle by the Carthaginians, were also 
led in his train. 

Notwithstanding the enmity of his opponents and 
rivals, the conduct of Marcellus, as a commander, 
was so correctly estimated by the Roman people, 
that, shortly afterwards, he was elected cojisiiI for 
the fourth time. His enemies, however, were insti¬ 
gated by some of the inhabitants of Syracuse, to ac¬ 
cuse him, before the Roman senate, of having treated 
them with cruelty, and contrary to the acknowledged 
laws of warfare. Marcellus was absent when the 
deputation from Syracuse arrived; but, he was no 
sooner informed of the accusation, than he hastened 
to Rome. On the day of his trial, he first took the 
chair of state, and transacted some public business as 
consul: that ended, he left his seat, and went to the 
place appointed as the station of persons accused of 
crime. The Syracusans were astonished at the dig¬ 
nity of his manner. He who had been irresistible in 
arms, was still more terrible in his robes. He ad¬ 
duced convincing proofs that, notwithstanding many 
instances of criminal behaviour in that people, they 
had suffered nothing but what it was impossible for 
him to have prevented. The senate consequently 
decided in his favour. 

The conduct of Marcellus, after this, was truly 
dignified. No sooner was he acquitted, than the 
persons who had preferred the complaint against him 
fell at his feet, and besought him with tears, to par¬ 
don the Syracusans for what they had done. Mar¬ 
cellus not only pardoned, but promised to them his 
protection; and the senate, at his suggestion, con¬ 
firmed to them their liberty, their laws, and their re¬ 
maining possessions. This people were not ungrate¬ 
ful for the favours they thus received. They confer¬ 
red on Marcellus many distinguished honours. They 
even made a law, that whenever he, or any of his de¬ 
scendants should enter Sicily, the Syracusans should 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


103 


wear garlands, and offer sacrifices for him to the 
gods. 

After this decision of the senate had taken place, 
Marcellus was directed to march against Annibal, 
who was still in Italy. The system which had been 
adopted by the Roman generals was to act only on the 
defensive, in a hope that the resources of the Cartha¬ 
ginian would be exhausted, and he would be 
compelled to retire from the country. This plan, 
however, had not succeeded, and Marcellus resolved 
to open the campaign by offensive operations. He 
first recovered the possession of several towns whicli 
had revolted from the Romans; and, in these, he 
found considerable magazines of corn, and took 
many prisoners. lie then entered Lucania, near the 
southern extremity of Italy, and found Annibal 
encamped on some heights, almost inaccessible, near 
the city of Numistro. Marcellus pitched his tents 
on the plain, and, the next day, drew up his forces 
in order of battle. This was a challenge which 
Annibal did not decline. He descended from the 
hills, and a ferocious, but indecisive combat took 
place. Early on the ensuing morning, Marcellus, 
having posted his men among the bodies of the slain, 
again challenged his foe; but Annibal, fearful of 
again encountering so skilful an opponent, retired to 
another part of the country. As soon as Marcellus 
had collected the spoils that had been left by the 
enemy, and had buried his dead, he marched in pur¬ 
suit of him. Annibal attempted to deceive the 
Roman general by many stratagems, but Marcellus 
escaped them all, and had the advantage in every 
skirmish. 

It was now agreed betwixt Marcellus and his col¬ 
league Fabius Maximus, that the latter should 

, o 

besiege Tarentum in Calabria, while the former 
watched the motions of Annibal. Marcellus overtook 
him near Canusium , where he experienced a partial 
defeat. He was so much irritated and mortified by 


104 MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 

his want of success, that, after he had retreated to 
his camp, he summoned the troops, and angrily told 
them that “ he saw, indeed, the arms and the bodies 
“ of Romans before him, but not one Roman.” 

This severe reproof operated so strongly upon 
their minds, that, on the ensuing morning, he again 
ventured to hang out a scarlet robe, the usual signal 
for battle. The Carthaginians were astonished 
at his perseverance. Annibal, on observing the 
signal, exclaimed: “Ye gods, what can be done 
“ with a man who is not affected either with good or 
“ with bad fortune? Marcellus is the only general 
“I have seen, who will neither give time to rest 
“ when he is victorious, nor take any when he is 
“beaten. We must even resolve to fight him for- 
“ ever: since, whether he is prosperous or adverse, 
“ a principal of confidence or of shame, equally 
“ impels him to further exertions of courage.” 

In the preparation for this battle, those companies 
of the Roman soldiers who had dishonoured them¬ 
selves on the previous day, obtained permission to 
be placed in the foremost rank; and, as soon as all 
the arrangements were complete, the Romans marched 
to the attack. The battle was commenced by Anni¬ 
bal ordering several elephants, which he had with 
him, to be brought into the front of his army, and 
to be goaded on against the Romans. One of the 
tribunes snatched an ensign-staff, and, with the point 
of it, wounded the foremost elephant. The beast, 
on receiving the wound, turned back, and ran upon 
the second, the second on the next, and so on till 
they were all thrown into confusion. Marcellus, 
taking advantage of this, ordered his cavalry to 
make a furious charge. The Carthaginians were 
routed with the loss of about eight thousand men, and 
Annibal, to save the remainder of his army from 
destruction, w r as compelled to retreat. But so great 
was the loss sustained by the Romans, that Marcellus, 
unable to pursue him, retired into Campania. 

Being now freed from fear of an attack. 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


10J 


Annibnl ravaged all the country around him, and 
committed great devastation. This occasioned the 
enemies of Marcellus publicly to accuse him of 
having merely skirmished with the Carthaginians, and 
then of having indolently gone to spend his time, at the 
hot baths of Campania. Marcellus hastened to Rome , 
to justify his conduct; which he did so satisfactorily, 
that he was not only acquitted of the charge, but 
was again chosen consul. 

Not long after this, he obtained permission to 
erect temples to two heathen deities, Honour and 
Virtue; and he caused them to be so placed, as to 
effect a very elegant architectural moral; no one 
could enter the temple of Honour, unless he first 
passed through that of Virtue. 

When every thing had been arranged which had 
required his presence in Rome, he became impatient 
again to join the army: but he was not, for some 
time, permitted to do so. It was pretended that 
many unfavourable omens had been observed: for 
instance, that some rats had gnawed the gold, in the 
temple of Jupiter; that an ox had been heard to 
speak; and that a child had been born in the city, 
with an ox’s head. Sacrifices, for expiation of these 
prodigies, were offered; but it was not until some time 
had elapsed, that they were declared to be such as 
the soothsayers approved. 

When permitted to depart, he proceeded towards 
Vcnusia , in Apulia; and, having there fixed his 
camp, he in vain tried every possible method to 
provoke his adversary to battle. Annibal not 
only himself avoided a disadvantageous conflict, but 
studied every means of gaining advantage over 
Marcellus; and was, at length, but too successful. 
He concealed a great number of armed men, on an 
eminence covered with thickets, which he thought 
the Romans might consider an advantageous position 
for their army. Marcellus did not discover the 
stratagem, and set out, in company with his son, his 

f 3 , 


106 


MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. 


colleague Crispinus, and two hundred and twenty 
horse soldiers, to examine the place. On his ap¬ 
proach, the men in ambush rushed out. Marcellus 
was stabbed through the body and fell down dead; 
and Crispinus, and the son of Marcellus, were carried 
wounded from the field. This afflicting event took 
place in the year of the city 545, and when Marcel¬ 
lus was about sixty years of age. 

As soon as Annibal was informed that Marcellus 
had been slain, he hastened to the place, and, stand¬ 
ing over the body, silently contemplated it for some 
time. He appeared to be astonished at the strange 
death of so great a man; but he did not utter one 
insulting word respecting him, nor did he exhibit 
the slightest indication of joy. He then caused the 
body to be magnificently attired, and, according to 
the practice of the ancients, to be burnt. Afterwards, 
he had the ashes collected and put into a silver urn; 
and, having placed upon this, a crown of gold, he 
sent it to the son of Marcellus. But a party of 
Numidian soldiers, meeting the persons who carried 
the urn, attempted to take it from them; and in the 
struggle, the ashes were scattered upon the ground 
and lost. 

Marcellus was singularly eminent for the acute¬ 
ness of his judgment and the promptness of his 
actions. Hence it was that whilst Fabius Maximus 
was styled “ the shield,” he was denominated “ the 
“ sword of Rome;” and hence Annibal was accus¬ 
tomed to assert, that “ whilst he stood in fear of 
“ Fabius as his schoolmaster, he feared Marcel- 
“ lus as his opponent.” This illustrious Roman 
was remarkable both for his probity and piety; 
and so sincere was his patriotism, that he patiently 
endured the various injuries and calamities with 
which he was, at different times, loaded by his un¬ 
grateful countrymen; he devoted his life to their ser¬ 
vice, and, at last, sacrificed it in their defence. 

Authorities.— Plutarch, Livy , and Polybius. 








paye 107 





















































































































































107 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICAN US. 


A Roman consul 'echo acquired great celebity by defeating the 
Carthaginian generals, Asdrubal and Mago, in Spain, and An- 
nibal in Africa: he terminated the second Carthaginian war, 
and for his services obtained the surname of 44 Africanus.” 

He died in the year 565 of Rome, and 1 68 years before Christ. 


Scipio was remarkable for bis filial affection. In 
the second Carthaginian war, when he was about 
seventeen years of age, and his father, as one of the 
Roman consuls, was engaged in opposing the pro¬ 
gress of Annibal into the Roman territory, a battle 
took place, in which the Roman troops gave way, 
and the consul, dangerously wounded, was surround¬ 
ed by the enemy. The young Scipio, who was 
attended by a troop of select horseman as a guard, 
exhorted them to rescue his parent from destruction. 
They hesitated, and he furiously spurred his own 
horse into the midst of the combatants: his attend¬ 
ants, instigated by his example, followed: the body 
of the enemy was separated by the shock, and the 
life of his father was saved. 

In the year of the city 53 9, when still young, 
he offered himself a candidate for the office of curule 
edile. The plebeian tribunes opposed his preten¬ 
tions, on account of his youth. He, however, 
replied, that “ if it were the will of the citizens to 
“ make him edile, he was old enough to fulfil the 
“ duties of the office;” and such was his popularity, 
that he was elected, by a great majority of votes. 

About two years after this, the Roman army was 
defeated in Spain; his uncle and father were both 
killed, and many of the Spanish provinces abandoned 
their alliance with the Romans. A successor to 
these two eminent men could not easily be found; 



108 PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 

\3Ui „ V1 

and, in a public assembly, held for the purpose of 
considering the disastrous state of the Roman affairs 
in that country, no candidate appeared for so dan¬ 
gerous an office. The people looked, in vain, to the 
senators to make the appointment, and the senate, 
in their difficulty, were desirous of leaving the ap¬ 
pointment to the people. But each party was un¬ 
successful. No one could be prevailed with to 
accept the command. A general silence ensued, 
and a general despondency. At length Scipio arose, 
and declared himself ready to pursue the footsteps 
of his father and uncle, though these should lead 
him to labours, to dangers, and even to death. The 
eyes of the whole assembly were instantly turned 
upon him, and the universal acclamations of favour 
and applause, testified the hopes which persons of all 
ranks were inclined to entertain of his success. Ac¬ 
cording to Polybius, he was at this time twenty-seven 
years of age; but, according to Livy and Appian, 
he was only twenty- four. Notwithstanding his youth, 
it appeared, on taking the votes, that he was unani¬ 
mously elected. No sooner, however, was the 
election terminated, than the people began to reflect 
on the precipitate manner in which they had acted; 
and to discover that they had been influenced rather 
by their inclination than their judgment. His early 
age was the principal cause of their uneasiness; but 
some of them began to forbode evil, in consequence 
of the recent misfortunes of his family. It was, 
however, too late to deliberate, after the appointment 
had been made. 

In this early part of the history of Scipio, it may 
not be improper to speak of his piety: and to notice 
that, even from the period at which he assumed the 
manly gown, he seldom transacted any business, 
either public or private, without first paying his 
devotions to heaven. This practice, says Livy, 
which he observed through his whole life, induced 
many persons to believe that his origin was divine. 



PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 


109 


The same historian informs us, that when he was 
peculiarly desirous of effecting any purpose with the 
multitude, he would state that it had been recom¬ 
mended to him in a vision, or that it was the conse¬ 
quence of some admonition impressed upon his mind 
by the gods. But on this subject we labour under 
two difficulties: one, as to the actual state of the 
fact, whether he meant to impose a fiction upon 
the people, or whether he might really feel his mind 
so influenced, as to believe that he was favoured 
with divine inspiration. The other difficulty lies in 
the imperfect religious notions of the ancients, and 
the consequent incorrectness of explanation, in the 
historians, of what might really be the religious feel¬ 
ings of those persous respecting whom they wrote. 

In the year of the city 541, Scipio sailed from 
Home , with a fleet of thirty ships; and, coasting 
along the shore of the Tuscan sea, the Alps, and the 
Gallic Gulf, he disembarked at Emporium, a town 
founded by the Greeks. He thence ordered his fleet 
to follow, whilst he marched by land to a city called 
Tarra. At this place he held a convention of the 
Roman allies; and ambassadors were sent to him 
from several of the Spanish provinces. He after¬ 
wards visited the winter quarters of the Roman 
army, and was rejoiced to find that the enemy had 
not been permitted to derive much advantage from 
his recent success. The troops of the enemy were, 
at this time, in winter quarters, in different parts of 
the country. One division, under Asdrubal the son 
of Gisco, was at Gades, near the sea; another, under 
Mago, was in the interior of the country; and a 
third, under Asdrubal the son of Amilcar, was in the 
vicinity of Saguntum. 

Instead of pursuing what appeared to other per¬ 
sons the most obvious measures, Scipio formed a 
plan of action, which was alike impenetrable to his 
own army and unsuspected by the enemy. As soon 
as the opening of the spring permitted him to move, and 


110 


rUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 


he had concentrated and arranged his forces, he resolv¬ 
ed not to attack the army of the enemy, but to make an 
unexpected attack on the city of New Carthage , 
This was not only a wealthy place, but was filled 
with a vast quantity of arms, ammunition, and 
stores. It was also conveniently situated, as a place 
of embarkation for Africa; and had an harbour suf¬ 
ficiently capacious to admit, if requisite, the whole 
Roman fleet. If he could succeed in taking this 
city, he knew that he should immediately deprive 
the enemy of some of his most important means of 
carrying on the war. A sudden attack was conse¬ 
quently made, both from the land and the sea; with 
some difficulty the Roman troops succeeded in scal¬ 
ing the walls; and, a short time afterwards, they 
rendered themselves masters of the place. The 
quantity of military stores and engines of war which 
it contained, was very great. Gold and silver to an 
immense value, was brought to the general. Among 
other articles, there were two hundred and seventy- 
six silver bowls, each nearly a pound in weight; eigh¬ 
teen thousand three hundred pounds weight of wrought 
and coined silver; and a prodigious number of silver 
vessels and utensils. There was also an astonishing 
supply of wheat and barley; and as much brass, iron, 
canvass, hemp, and other similar materials were 
found, as would have equipped a fleet of one hundred 
and thirteen ships. 

In most respects Scipio afforded a brilliant exam¬ 
ple of united heroism and humanity; but, in the 
present as well as in a few other instances, he suffer¬ 
ed himself, by a practice common among the Ro¬ 
mans, to be led into the commission of great cruelty. 
To deter the garrisons of fortified places from con¬ 
tinuing the defence of them until they should be 
attacked by storm, and should thus occasion an 
unnecessary loss of lives to the besiegers, it was 
customary, when a place was so taken, not only to 
plunder it, but to commit indiscriminate slaughter 


rUBLIUS SCIPIO APRICANUS. 


Ill 


among the garrison, and even among those of the 
inhabitants who had no concern in its defence. In the 
present instance, as soon as a certain number of 
troops had entered, Scipio gave direction to a por¬ 
tion of them to destroy all whom they should meet; 
and, at a particular signal, the slaughter ceased and 
the pillage of the place commenced. 

After this, the prisoners were collected, and to the 
number of ten thousand, were brought before Scipio, 
in two separate bodies. The first of these consisted 
chiefly of the free citizens, with their wives and 
children; and, in the other, were the artificers and 
tradesmen of the city. Having exhorted the former 
to enter into the friendship of the Romans, he dis¬ 
missed them. To the artificers, about two thousand 
in number, he said that, for the present, they were 
the slaves of the Roman commonwealth; but that, if 
they served their masters with alacrity in their seve¬ 
ral trades, they might obtain their freedom, as soon 
the war with the Carthaginians should be terminated. 
From the other prisoners he selected many to serve 
on boards his ships, on an asaurance similar to that 
which he had made to the artificers. And he 
treated them all with so much greater kindness and 
humanity than had been expected, that he gained the 
general confidence of the citizens, and secured their 
attachment both to himself and his cause. 

The Carthaginians had kept, in this city, numerous 
hostages which they had received from the different 
states of Spain. The whole of these, several hun¬ 
dreds in number, Scipio, with great policy, sent back 
to their relations, and without requiring for them any 
ransom. 

Among other prisoners that were brought to 
him, was a young Spanish female, of high rank 
and exquisite beauty. This lady had been be¬ 
trothed to a Celtiberian prince named Allucius, 
by whom she was passionately beloved. Scipio sent 
for her parents and her betrothed husband; and, on 
their arrival before him, he addressed himself to the 


112 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO APRICANUS. 


latter, stating that he was desirous of giving the 
young lady, in safety, to that person only, who, from 
the accounts he had received, appeared to be truly 
worthy of her. The youth, overwhelmed with joy, 
invoked the gods to recompence such exalted good¬ 
ness. The parents of the lady had brought with 
them a valuable present of gold, intending to offer it 
in purchasing her liberty; and, when she was re¬ 
stored to them without ransom, they entreated of 
Scipio to accept that as a present, which he might 
have claimed as a right; assuring him that they 
should esteem themselves as much satisfied, by his 
compliance with their wishes in this respect, as 
they had been by his restoration of their child. 
Unwilling to reject a solicitation so urgent, he or¬ 
dered the gold to be brought; then calling Aliucius 
to him, he said: “ Besides the dowry which you are 
“ to receive from your father-in-law, you must 
“ accept this marriage present from me.” The 
gratitude of the young man for these unexpected 
honours and presents, induced him to make a levy 
among his dependants; and, in a few days, he re¬ 
turned to Scipio with a troop of fourteen hundred 
horsemen, to serve in the Roman army. 

Towards the inhabitants of the country Scipio 
adopted the most conciliatory conduct. He returned 
all those who had been made prisoners. The wife 
and children of a distinguished commander, one of 
his opponents, had been taken: these also were sent 
back. It was impossible for Scipio to have adopted 
any mode of procedure better calculated to effect 
his designs of rescuing Spain from the power of the 
Carthaginians, and bringing the whole of that coun¬ 
try into an alliance with Rome, than by humanity, 
rather than by the force of arms. 

He next attacked and defeated the army of As - 
drubal, taking upwards of twelve thousand prisoners; 
of whom he sent home, without ransom, all that 
were Spaniards. So highly were this people de- 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 113 

lighted with his moderation, that a deputation of 
their chiefs waited upon him, for the purpose of 
soliciting him to assume the sovereignty of their 
country, and addressed him by the title of king. 
He, however, replied to them, that he could not 
abandon the cause of his country; and, consequent¬ 
ly, that he neither would be a king nor would suffer 
himself to be called so; and that, in future, they 
must address him only by the title of general. 

The Carthaginians, not long after this, were com¬ 
pelled to relinquish the whole of their possessions in 
Spain; and Scipio, now contemplating the probability 
of his being employed to combat this people in their 
owm country, resolved, as preparatory to his future 
operations, to conciliate, as far as possible, the friend¬ 
ship of the several states adjacent to the Carthaginian 
territory. With this view he sailed, in two galleys, 
from New Carthage to the opposite coast of Africa, in 
a hope of being able to detach Syphax, king of the 
Massaesylians, from his alliance with the Cartha¬ 
ginians. 

It happened that, at this very time, Asdrubal, 
driven out of Spain, entered the same harbour as 
Scipio. He had seven galleys, and might easily have 
overtaken and seized the Roman general, before he 
reached the shore; but, amidst the tumult which 
took place, in preparing, on one side for attack, and 
on the other for defence, both parties entered the 
harbour, and when there, neither of them dared to 
excite a disturbance, lest he should give offence to 
Syphax. After they had landed, Asdrubal proceeded 
to the king, and was followed by Scipio. 

To Syphax it was a very flattering and a very 
singular occurrence, that the generals of two great 
nations should, on the same day, have come to solicit 
his friendship and alliance. He invited them both 
to his palace, hoping that, by an amicable con¬ 
ference, some arrangements might be made, which 
should end in a general pacification. Scipio do- 


114 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 


dared that he had no personal enmity against the 
Carthaginians, hut said that he was not furnished with 
authority to enter into any negociation for peace, 
without orders from the Roman senate. Syphax, 
however, prevailed with the two generals to sup 
together at his table, and was extremely delighted 
with the affability and conversational talents of 
Scipio: even Asdrubal strongly expressed his admi¬ 
ration of them. The influence of Scipio, and a dread 
of the Roman power, induced Syphax to enter into 
a private treaty with the Romans, by which he 
agreed to abandon his alliance with Carthage. 

On his return to Spain , from which country he 
had been absent only four days, Scipio retook some 
cities, the inhabitants of which had revolted from the 
Romans; and, as a terror to others, he permitted 
his soldiers to commit great devastation in them. 
The inhabitants of one of them are said to have been 
all destroyed. 

The operations of Scipio in Spain ceased in the 
thirteenth year after the commencement of the war, 
and in the fifth year after he had succeeded to the 
command of the army. On his return to Rome he 
%vas unanimously chosen consul; and, of the plunder 
he had obtained, he deposited, in the public treasury, 
fourteen thousand three hundred and forty-two 
pounds weight of silver in bars, and a prodigious 
quantity of specie. 

The Romans now became extremely anxious that 
he should transfer the seat of war into Africa. Many 
of the generals, however, jealous of his glory, 
strongly opposed this project; and even Fabius Max¬ 
imus, though bending beneath the weight of years 
and military honours, expressed much uneasiness at 
Scipio’s rising merit. In a speech, which he made 
before the Roman senate, he endeavoured to show 
that an expedition into Africa, would be attended 
with great danger, particularly if it were entrusted 
to the care of so young a man. In consequence of 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO APRICANUS. 


115 


this opposition, Scipio had not so unlimited a power 
given to him as he had expected. He, however, ob¬ 
tained the command of the Roman fleet which was 
kept on the coast of Sicily; and had permission, if 
he thought proper, to make a descent on the coast 
of Africa. 

When he arrived in Sicily, he formed a corps of 
three hundred men, in the flower of their age and 
the vigour of their strength. These he did not 
supply with arms, and kept ignorant of the purpose 
for which they were reserved. He then chose three 
hundred Sicilian youths of distinguished birth and 
fortune, whom he appointed, as horsemen, to pass 
over with him into Africa. This service appeared 
to them very severe. To be removed so far from 
their friends, and to be exposed to fatigue and dan¬ 
ger, excessively distressed them. Scipio stated that, 
if any of them were afraid of the service, they had 
only to declare their fears or disinclination, and they 
should be excused. One of them did so, and Scipio 
told him that he approved his candour and would 
provide him a substitute. It was, however, requisite 
that, to this person, he should deliver his horse, 
arms, and other implements of war, and that he 
should cause him to be trained for the service. 
With these terms he readily complied, and Scipio 
placed under his care one of the three hundred 
young men whom he had in readiness. All the 
other youths, seeing their comrade thus excused, 
adopted the same plan. By this stratagem the Ro¬ 
man general, without any expence to the public, was 
enabled to provide a corps of three hundred excel¬ 
lent horsemen, who afterwards performed for him 
many important services. 

Scipio afterwards selected, from among his soldiers, 
all those on whom he could fully rely; and thus he 
had a select and powerful force. He embarked 
from Sicily, in four hundred transports, and fifty 
ships of war, all of which safely reached the African 


116 


PUBLIUS SCiriO AFRICANUS. 


coast. On his landing, the people of the whole adja¬ 
cent country were so excessively alarmed, that they 
fled in every direction, driving before them all their 
cattle, and desolating the whole surrounding district. 
Scipio was shortly afterwards joined by Masinissa, 
king of Numidia, with a small force of cavalry; but 
he found that Syphax had abandoned tho Roman in¬ 
terest, and renewed his engagements w'ith the Car¬ 
thaginians; and had even strengthened his alliance 
with that people, by marrying Sophonisba, the 
daughter of Asdrubal. 

Besides several other advantages, the Romans 
gained a complete victory over Asdrubal, which 
enabled Scipio to proceed into the country, and to 
lay siege to Utica. But, being unable to take this 
city before the approach of winter, he retired into 
winter quarters in its vicinity. Syphax had now 
joined the Carthaginians; and their united armies 
approached the Roman entrenchments, near Utica. 
Scipio defeated them, with so great a loss, that the 
inhabitants of Carthage, in the utmost consternation, 
began to strengthen the walls and outworks of their 
city. Every one exerted himself, to the utmost, in 
bringing, from the country, such things as were 
requisite for sustaining a siege. The Carthaginians 
had now no army left, capable of checking the pro¬ 
gress of Scipio, except that of Annibal. They, 
consequently, recalled him, and the wdiole of his 
foi •ces, from Italy; but, before his arrival, Syphax 
was wounded and made prisoner by Masinissa and 
the Roman general Laelius; and Asdrubal, who had 
been oppressed by the hatred of his fellow-citizens, 
from a suspicion that he had held a correspondence 
with the Romans, had destroyed himself by poison. 

No sooner had Annibal landed, than he received 
the alarming information that all the country around 
Carthage was occupied by the Roman troops. It 
was, however, requisite for him to continue a few 
days on the coast, for the purpose of resting and 


JPUBtlUS SCIPIO AFRICANS. 


1 17 


refreshing his army. When all his preparations 
were complete, he advanced; but he sent before him 
some spies, that, by them, he might ascertain the 
state of the Roman forces. These spies were inter¬ 
cepted, and brought to Scipio. He gave directions 
that they should be conducted through every part of 
the camp, and should see whatever they chose: he 
requested that they would attentively view the whole, 
and. give, to their commander, a faithful account of 
what they had seen. After the orders of Scipio had 
been executed, the men were dismissed; but the par¬ 
ticulars which they related, concerning the strength and 
position of the Romans, were so alarming, that An- 
nibal was induced to request an immediate conference 
w r ith Scipio, hoping that he might be able to obtain 
more advantageous terms of peace whilst his strength 
was entire, than after a defeat. 

The conference took place within the view of 
both armies. It is said that the two generals 
were astonished at the sight of each other; and 
that, when they approached, they stood for some 
moments in profound silence. Annibal was the 
first who spoke. “ Happy w r ould ithave been (said he,) 
“ if the Romans had never coveted any thing beyond 
“ the extent of Italy; nor the Carthaginians beyond 
“ that of Africa; but that each had remained con- 
“ tented with the possession of those fair empires which 
(t nature itself seems indeed to have circumscribed.” 
Such was the observation of that general who, after 
the battle of Cannae, was master of nearly all Italy, 
who, afterw’ards, advanced to the vicinity of Rome, 
fixed his camp within five miles of the city, and there 
deliberated in what manner he should dispose of the 
Romans and their country. “ Behold me now (he 
“ continued) recalled to Africa, and holding a con- 
“ fererice with a Roman general, to treat for the de- 
“ liverance of my own country.” Annibal, how¬ 
ever, was either too fearful of making concessions, or 
Scipio too confident in his means of prosecuting the 


118 PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 

war with success, for the contest to be yet 
amicably terminated. Each commander retired to 
his army, stating his resolution to abide only by the 
decision of a battle, and immediate preparations 
were made for action. 

On the ensuing day, a conflict, one of the most tre¬ 
mendous that has been recorded in the annals of the 
world, took place, and hastened the termination of 
what is called the second Punic or Carthaginian war. 
Annibal was totally defeated; and with a loss of 
more than forty thousand men, one hundred and 
thirty-three military standards, and eleven elephants. 
During the confusion of the retreat, he escaped, with 
a few horsemen, to Hadrumetum, after having, in 
vain, used every effort to rally his troops. He 
thence returned to Carthage, in the thirty-sixth 
year after he had left it, a boy. On the senate 
being assembled, he asserted to them that the Car¬ 
thaginian forces where wholly vanquished, and that 
an immediate peace could alone save his country 
from ruin. In the mean time, Scipio pillaged the 
enemy’s camp, and conveyed an immense booty to 
the sea-coast, to be embarked thence for Italy. 

The Carthaginians sent ambassadors to Scipio, to 
sue for peace. This was granted, on condition that 
they should surrender to the Romans all the de¬ 
serters and prisoners which they had taken, all their 
ships of war, except ten, and all their trained ele¬ 
phants: that they should immediately give posses¬ 
sion, to the Romans, of all the places they held in 
Italy and Sicily, and all the islands betwixt Africa 
and Italy; and that they should not make war either 
in or out of Africa, without permission of the Roman 
government; and that, for fifty years, they should 
pay an annual tribute to Rome. 

These terms, severe as they may seem to us, were 
considered moderate by the ancients. Velleius 
Paterculus, denominates “ Carthage a monument of 
“ the clemency of Scipio;” and Livy says that “ the 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 119 

“ Romans afforded a signal proof of their modera- 
“ tion, in the peace which was granted to Annibal 
“ and the Carthaginians.” 

As soon as all the arrangements for peace were 
complete, Scipio embarked his army, and returned 
to Italy; and so delighted w r ere the Romans with his 
success, that not only the inhabitants of the towns, 
through which he passed, flocked together to see the 
deliverer of their country, but crowds of people, 
even from distant parts of the country, almost filled 
up the roads. He entered Rome in triumph, at the 
head of a splendid cavalcade; and carried into the 
treasury one hundred and twenty-three thousand 
pounds weight of silver. It was after this triumph, 
and in consequence of his successes against the Car¬ 
thaginians in Africa, that Scipio w r as honoured with 
the surname of Africanus. 

In the year of the city 553, he and Publius iElius 
Paetus were elected censors. Not long after this we 
find him, in the Roman senate, with true generosity 
and nobleness of mind, defending the cause of An¬ 
nibal. Since the late peace, Annibal had assiduously 
employed himself, at Carthage, as a civil magistrate 
and a leading member in the legislative assemblies 
of his country. In these assemblies he resolutely 
and successfully defended the lives and property of 
his countrymen against the power, the insolence, and 
the tyranny of the Carthaginian judges. He also 
effected many important reformations in the revenue 
of his country; and, as it was then a period of great 
distress, he insisted that, if all the arrears which 
were due to the public were paid, the exigencies of 
the state would be supplied. Conduct like this oc¬ 
casioned a great outcry against him, by persons who 
had long been preying upon the public property. 
These found means to instigate even the Romans 
against him; and to induce the senate to send am¬ 
bassadors to Carthage on the subject. Scipio, how¬ 
ever, long and earnestly contended that it was be- 


ISO pukiius scipio af&icanus. 

neatli the dignity of the Roman senate, to encourage 
the accusers of such a man as Annibal; and that 
they ought to be satisfied with having humbled him 
in the field, and not now to be influenced against him 
b y the calumny and detractions of self-interested 
persons. 

Six years after this, Scipio was a second time 
elected consul, and had, for his colleague, Tiberius 
Sempronius Longus. His hope, in this year stand¬ 
ing for the consulate, is supposed to have been that 
he might either be sent into Asia, to commence a 
new war against Antiochus, king of Syria, who had 
menaced Europe with an invasion, or that he might 
obtain the province of Spain, to settle the tranquillity 
of that country, which he had formerly conquered, 
and where Cato had recently acquired great glory. 
He obtained the latter, but, when he arrived there, he 
found that the success of Cato had left him nothing 
ofimportance to finish. 

After the termination of his consulship, war was 
declared against Antiochus ; and Scipio accepted the 
office of lieutenant-general under his brother, in an 
expedition which was fitted out against that monarch. 
The twoScipio’slanded,with their army, in Greece; 
and, having passed through Thessaly, Macedon, and 
Thrace, they crossed the Hellespont, into Asia. 

Annibal, who had been driven from Carthage, and 
had sought protection in the states of Asia, had told 
Antiochus that, “ if he did not find employment for 
“ the Romans at home, he would soon be under the 
“ necessity of fighting in Asia; for those republicans 
“ (said he) aim at nothing less than the empire of the 
“ world.” It was now that Antiochus, for the first 
time, ascertained the correctness of this counsel. 
Alarmed for the safety of his dominions, he sent an 
ambassador to the Romans to sue for peace. The 
ambassadors, unable to arrange any satisfactory 
terms with the council appointed to receive them, ob¬ 
tained a private interview with Scipio, and offered to 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 121 

him, from Antiochus, the restoration of his son, who 
was then a prisoner in the Syrian camp, together 
with a present of an immense value, and even a share 
in the government, if, through his influence, peace 
could be obtained. The patriotic Roman thus re¬ 
plied: “ I should esteem my son the greatest gift 
4t that could be bestowed by royal munificence; any 
“ favour beyond this, my honour would not suffer 
“ me to accept. If the king restore my son, I shall 
“ ever acknowledge the obligation, and, in return, 
“ shall rejoice in the opportunity of testifying any 
“ similar mark of respect for him. Further I 
“ cannot go. My public character is sacred, and 
“ shall be unimpeached: in my official capacity I 
“ will neither receive nor confer any private favour.” 
The proposals of Antiochus were rejected, yet he 
had the generosity to restore the son of Scipio, and 
without ransom. 

The Roman army passed through Troy; and, 
after it had crossed the river Hyllus, offered battle 
to Antiochus, near the city of Magnesia. Scipio had 
been seized with an illness which prevented him 
from being present at the conflict that took place. 
In the Syrian army were marshalled a vast number 
of camels, and fifty-four large elephants, each carry¬ 
ing a tower filled with slingers and archers: there was 
also a long range of w ar-chariots, armed with scythes 
from the centre of the wheels. The number of sol¬ 
diers was, in the wiiole, about eighty-two thousand, 
and that of the Roman troops not more than twenty- 
eight thousand; yet the Romans were by no means 
intimidated, and, before Scipio could join him, the 
consul had obtained so complete a victory, that An¬ 
tiochus was glad to submit to such conditions of 
peace, as the Romans chose to grant. 

After this we find Scipio again in Rome, where, for 
his eminent services, he obtained the appellation 
of the great. For some time after his return from 
Africa, the Romans had heaped upon him all pos- 

G 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 


t 99 

1/V<V 

sible honours. The people had wished to make him 
even perpetual consul and dictator; but, more de¬ 
sirous of meriting than of obtaining honours, he se¬ 
verely reproved them for proposing to place him in 
a station which was incompatible with the liberty of 
his country. After a little while, however, he expe¬ 
rienced, what he had often before observed towards 
others, the mutability of popular applause. At the 
instigation of Cato, a prosecution was instituted 
against him , on a charge of having received, from 
Antiochus, a sum of money, to obtain for him ad¬ 
vantageous terms of peace. The conqueror of As- 
drubal, of Annibal, and of Carthage; the man whom, 
not long before, they had been so anxious to appoint 
perpetual consul and dictator, was now reduced to 
make his defence as a criminal; and this he did with 
the same magnanimity which had distinguished all 
his actions. As his accusers, from want of proofs, 
used only invective, he contented himself, on the first 
day, with the usual defence of great men on similar 
occasions, a recital of his services and exploits; 
which was received with great applause. On the 
ensuing day, he said: “ Tribunes of the people, and 
“ you, my fellow-citizens, it was on this day that 
“ I conquered Annibal and the Carthaginians: 
“ let us hasten to the capitol, and offer our 
“ thanksgivings to the gods, and pray that they may 
“ always grant to you generals as successful as I have 
“ been.” The people followed him, and the tribunes 
and crier of the court, were left nearly alone. The 
accusation was renewed a third time, but Scipio now 
either refused, or was unable to appear: his brother 
alleged that he was so ill as to be unable to attend: 
and Livy asserts that the trial terminated by the 
severest reproaches being thrown upon his ac¬ 
cusers. 

Scipio had long and well known what value to 
set on popular favour. “ The multitude (said he, 
“ on one occasion) is easily deceived. It is impelled 


PUBLIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 


123 

** by the slightest force to every side; it is suscep- 
“ tible of the same agitation as the sea. For, as the 
“ sea, though in itself calm and stable, and without 
“ the appearance of danger, is no sooner set in mo- 
“ tion by some violent blast, than it resembles the 
“ winds themselves which raise and ruffle it; so, in 
“ precisely the same manner, does the multitude as- 
“ sume an aspect conformable to the designs and 
“ the temper of those leaders, by whose counsels it is 
“ swayed and agitated.” 

Disgusted with the ingratitude of his countrymen, 
and having now learned to despise both popular ap¬ 
plause and popular condemnation, he retired, as a 
voluntary exile, to his country house at Liternum , on 
the sea-shore, near Cuma, where, during the re¬ 
mainder of his life, he chiefly employed himself in 
agriculture and study, and in conversation with the 
best-informed and most honourable men of his time. 

Two hundred years after the death of Scipio, the 
philosopher Seneca visited his house and tomb, and 
thus speaks of him: “ Under the roof of Scipio I 
“ now write. I have performed my homage at his 
“ tomb; and confidently do I believe that his soul is 
“ now above, whence it descended to bless our 
“ world. His moderation and his piety each demand 
“ our admiration, and more, perhaps, when he left 
“ his country, than when he saved it.” 

Authorities. — Zdcy, Polybius , Velleius Paterculusj and 

Appiatu 


124 



TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS. 


A Roman consul , who defeated Philip , king of Maeedon , and 
afterwards liberated the states of Greece; and who , during an 
embassy to Prusias , of Bithynia, caused the Carthaginian 

general , Annibale to destroy himself by poison. 

He is supposed to have died about the year 578 of Rome, and 181 
years befyre Christ. 


Like nearly all the Roman youths, Titus Quintius 
Flaminius, or Flamininus as he is called by some 
writers, was trained to the profession of arms. He 
first served as a legionary tribune , under the consul 
Marcellus, during the war with Annibal; and, after 
the death of Marcellus, though at that time scarcely 
more than twenty years of age, he was appointed 
governor of Tarentum. Here he acquired so much 
celebrity, in his administration of justice, as after¬ 
wards to be appointed to the chief direction of two 
colonies that were sent to Narnia and Cossa. 

It is remarked, by Livy, that in the year of the 
city 551, the Roman stage games were exhibited in 
a sumptuous manner, and for two days, by the curule 
(ediles, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Lucius Quin¬ 
tius Flaminius. 

In the thirtieth year of his age, he was elected 
consul , though he had not served the usually inter¬ 
mediate offices of tribune and praetor; and it fell to 
his lot to conduct the war which the Romans were, 
at this time, carrying on against Philip king of 
Maeedon. He sailed from Brundusium with eight 
thousand foot and eight hundred horse soldiers; 
and, having reached the island of Corcyra, he passed 
thence into Epirus, to the Roman camp. Philip, 
anxious to negociate a peace, held a conference with 
Flaminius, for that purpose; but it terminated with- 



TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS. 


125 


out the desired effect. He, however, obtained a 
truce for two months, and took this opportunity of 
marching to a considerable distance, and posting his 
army in the midst of a strong and apparently inac¬ 
cessible part of the country; in the defiles of Epi¬ 
rus, on the banks of the river Aous. 

Under the guidance of a herdsman, accustomed to 
traverse all the paths of an intervening forest, Fla- 
minius, however, was enabled to send a body of 
troops to a spot which overlooked the enemy’s camp. 
These, when they had reached the place, made a 
previously concerted signal, to inform him of their 
success. On seeing this, he marched .the other part 
of his forces against the enemy, in a different direc¬ 
tion, and defeated them with considerable loss. 

Retiring, with precipitation, from the field of 
battle, Philip proceeded towards Thessaly, plunder¬ 
ing the towns, desolating all the country which lay 
in his road, and carrying along with him, a great 
number of the inhabitants. The consul followed 
him, and, having his army in a state of strict disci¬ 
pline, he adopted a plan wholly different. He 
spared the country with as much care as if it had 
been a Roman province, and the event answered his 
expectations; for his army had no sooner entered 
Thessaly, than all its cities declared in favour of the 
Romans. 

To the Grecians, Flaminius had, previously, been 
represented as the ferocious commander of a host of 
barbarians, w T ho were come to destroy and to ruin; 
and to reduce the whole population to a state of 
slavery. This representation, however, proved in 
no respect injurious to him; for, when the Grecian 
commanders were afterwards introduced to him, and 
found him well acquainted with their language, mild 
and affable in his manners, and a man of strict honour 
and integrity, they opened to him the gates of their 
cities, and united their forces with his, in a confidence 
that he would conduct them to liberty. 


126 


TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS. 


When the term of his consulship had expired, 
Flaminius was permitted, as proconsul, to carry on 
the Macedonian war, until its conclusion. In con¬ 
junction with his new allies, he defeated Philip, near 
a place in Thessaly, called Cynoceplialas. In this 
battle, Philip lost nearly the half of his army; and, 
after its termination, he had great difficulty in ef¬ 
fecting his own escape. Unable, any longer, to 
resist the power of the Romans, he obtained another 
interview with Flaminius, and was glad to conclude 
a peace with them on the conditions which had be¬ 
fore been proposed to him; that he should evacuate 
every province and town, then possessed by him, in 
Greece and Asia, pay an annual sum by way of 
tribute, deliver up all his large ships except five, 
and be received as an ally of Rome. 

Flaminius, having thus successfully terminated the 
Macedonian war, returned into Greece. The differ¬ 
ent states of that country had long been oppressed 
by the Macedonian princes; and they were now 
wholly at the mercy of the Roman conqueror. He 
encamped his troops on the Isthmus of Corinth, at 
the time of the Isthmian Games. To these games, 
immense multitudes of people had assembled, from 
all the towns of Greece; and, whilst the numerous 
spectators were sitting in the circus, a Roman herald 
entered the arena, and, with the sound of a trumpet, 
demanding the attention of the spectators, he made 
this solemn proclamation. “ The senate and people 
“of Rome, and Flaminius, the general of their armies, 
“ having subdued Philip and the great kingdom of 
“ Macedonia, proclaim it their will that the Corin- 
“ thians, Locrians, Phocians, Eubaeans, Archaeans, 
“ Thessalians, and all other states of Greece, whether 
“in Europe or in Asia, shall from this day be 

“ FREE.” 

The first time that the proclamation was made, 
the whole vast audience stood in silence and amaze¬ 
ment. They could scarcely believe wliat they had 


TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS. 


127 


heard; they looked on one another, as if they all 
thought it only a dream. But, when the procla¬ 
mation was made a second time, the burst of de¬ 
lighted acclamation was so tremendous, that birds, 
flying over the circus, are said to have dropped down 
dead; the hills and the shores resounded; and ships, 
far out at sea, felt the shock of the triumphal shout. 

On his leaving the circus, the whole assembly 
followed the Roman commander to his camp, with 
shouts of exultation and of gratitude. To Flami- 
nius this was, indeed, a glorious day, for to him only 
could the merit of it be ascribed; and most of his 
conduct, during his continuance in Greece, was 
worthy of so excellent a beginning. Polybius, 
speaking of his negociations in Greece, ascribes all 
the success of this general to his foresight and admi¬ 
rable management. “ There was not (he says) a 
“ man in Rome more dexterous, or who, either in 
“ the conduct of public affairs, or in the advancement 
“ofhis own particular interests, exhibited greater 
“ wisdom or ability than Flaminius; and yet he was 
“ not, at this time, more than thirty years of age.” • 

Of Sparta alone Flaminius was unable to effect the 
deliverance, for it was subject to a tyrant so wicked, and 
at the same time so powerful, and his troops had receiv¬ 
ed so severe a check, in an attack upon it, that Flami¬ 
nius was obliged to abandon it to its fate. But the 
other states he not only liberated from the power of 
their oppressors, but he now withdrew from them all 
his own troops. Nor was liberty the only benefit 
which he conferred upon them. So far was he from the 
mean policy of sowing party dissensions and factious 
hatreds among any people, for the purpose of ren¬ 
dering the power of a bad government irresistible 
by them all; that, like a parent ardently desirous to 
promote the happiness of his children, he exerted 
his utmost influence to reconcile them to each other, 
and to establish not only a good government, but 
mutual and universal concord. 


128 TITUS QUINTIUS PLAMINIUS. 

In return for the benefits which he had conferred 
on Greece, he required only one favour. During the 
Carthaginian war, Annibal had made captive a great 
number of Romans, and had sold them, into different 
countries, as slaves. Twelve hundred of these un¬ 
happy men were now in Greece. Flaminius, there¬ 
fore, expressed a hope that, in return for the benefits 
which he had conferred upon the Grecians, they 
would not refuse to give freedom to a portion of that 
nation, from whom they had themselves so lately re¬ 
ceived their own. The Achaeans purchased these 
slaves, at the rate of five minae (about sixteen 
pounds sterling) each man; and presented them, in 
a body, to Flaminius, when he was making pre¬ 
parations to leave the country. 

On his return to Rome, Flaminius was honoured 
with a triumph, which was remarkable for lasting 
three days. Among the principal decorations of the 
solemnity, were Demetrius, son of the king of Mace- 
don, and Armenez, son of the tyrant of Sparta, 
whom he had brought with him as hostages for 
peace; there were also carried, in the procession, 
one hundred and fourteen crowns of gold, which 
Flaminius had received from so many Grecian 
cities, in grateful acknowledgment for the restora¬ 
tion of their liberties; the Grecian helmets and Ma¬ 
cedonian targets and spears, with other spoils; three 
thousand seven hundred and thirteen pounds weight 
of unwrought gold ; forty-three thousand two hun¬ 
dred and seventy-three ounces of silver, and four¬ 
teen thousand five hundred and fourteen pieces of 
coined gold. But, to the feelings of humanity, it 
was chiefly gratifying to witness the triumphal entry 
of Flaminius, not on account of the richness of the 
spoils, nor of the number of captives, in fetters, who 
followed, in sad dejection, the conqueror’s chariot; 
but of the numerous Roman citizens whom he had 
released from captivity, and who now accompanied 
him. 


TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS. 120 

It has been well observed that, if such had always 
been the fionours and pleasures of the great men of 
this famous nation: if Rome had thus always placed 
her happiness in doing good; had always followed 
the exalted spirit of such majestic benevolence, 
making it the constant and the real object of her 
military labours, to deliver, by her power, the neigh¬ 
bouring nations from tyranny and oppression, the 
Roman history would have been truly glorious. 
But, alas! in nearly every instance, this ambitious 
people subjugated instead of liberated; and they 
were, in general, much more attentive to the increase 
of their own wealth, dominion, and power, than to 
the promotion of happiness among mankind. 

After the peace with Philip had been ratified, An- 
tiochus, king of Syria, passed into Greece with a 
powerful fleet and army, and, having solicited the 
Grecian states to join him, the iEtolians were in¬ 
duced to do so. The Romans, either fearing, or 
pretending to fear a general revolt of these states, 
sent Flaminius thither, with a view of keeping them 
steady to their alliance with Rome. His appearance 
amongst them prevented those who were wavering, 
from entire defection; and some of the states, which 
had recently become decided enemies to Rome, were 
overcome by his mild and equitable treatment of 
them. 

In the year of the city 564, Flaminius was created 
censor , and had, for his colleague, the son of the cele¬ 
brated Roman general, Marcellus. This was about 
five years before the censorship of Cato. With the 
latter, when in office, he had a quarrel very unwor¬ 
thy of a man whose character w as, in most respects, 
well deserving of imitation. Lucius, the brother of 
Flaminius, a man who had served the consular of¬ 
fice, was so abandoned in his pleasures, and so to¬ 
tally regardless of moral feeling, that he had been 
guilty of a murder, for the mere amusement of a boy 

G 3 


130 


TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS. 


who resided with him. Cato caused him to be ex¬ 
pelled the senate. This gave great offence to Fla- 
minius. He did not pretend to justify the conduct 
of his brother; but, erroneously considering that his 
family was more disgraced by the upright decision of 
the censor, than by the conduct of which his brother 
had been guilty, he leagued with the enemies of 
Cato, and, gaining a majority in the senate, he op¬ 
posed him in every possible way. He caused all the 
contracts, leases, and bargains, which Cato had 
made, for the benefit of the public revenue, to be an¬ 
nulled ; and he occasioned many prosecutions to be 
instituted against him. Such conduct, however, was 
neither politic nor honourable. Cato appears to 
have only fulfilled the duties of his office, and the 
punishment inflicted upon Lucius was even more le¬ 
nient than he deserved. 

After the defeat of Antiochus, that monarch re¬ 
tired to Crete, and thence into Bithynia. Prusias, 
the king of Bithynia, was then at war with Eumenes, 
king of Pergamus, a faithful ally of the Romans; 
and, by the instigation of Annibal, Philip of Mace- 
don had joined his forces with those of Prusias. At 
the request of Eumenes, the Romans were induced 
to send an ambassador to Prusias, and Flaminius 
was the person selected for this office. On his ar¬ 
rival at the court of Bithynia , he found there the 
aged Carthaginian general, who, exiled from his 
own country, had placed himself under the protec¬ 
tion of Prusias. Flaminius demanded that he should 
be given up to the Romans. Prusias used much 
entreaty in behalf of a man who had come to him a 
suppliant for protection, and who had hitherto re¬ 
sided with him, under the sanction of hospitality. 
This, however, was to no purpose; he was obliged 
to yield to the demand, but, before the purpose of 
Flaminius could be accomplished, the veteran had 
destroyed himself by poison. 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


131 


When intelligence of this event was conveyed to 
Rome, many of the senators expressed great indig¬ 
nation at the conduct of Flaminius. Plutarch as¬ 
serts that he had demanded the person of Annibal, 
without any authority from the Romans; and only 
from a love of fame, actuated by a desire to be re¬ 
corded, in history, as the destroyer of the great Car¬ 
thaginian hero. If so, all his preceding virtues were 
scarcely sufficient to redeem his character from the 
infamy of so base an action. How much is it to be 
regretted, that, among the worthies of antiquity, 
there is scarcely one to be found, whose example 
can be safely held out for imitation; and whose 
reputation, though deserving of applause in many 
particulars, is not, in others, lamentably deficient. 

Nothing seems to be known respecting Flaminius, 
from the time of his embassy to Prusias, until his 
death; and all that Plutarch states respecting this 
is, that he died in his bed. 

Authorities.— Plutarch, Livy, Polybius, and Appian. 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 

THE CENSOR. 

An illustrious Roman, remarkable for bravery, temperance, and 
justice ,• and for the severity of his manners; and, in the latter 
part of his life, for avarice, and for an inveterate enmity 
against Carthage. 

He died at the age of about ninety years, in the year of Rome 
0*05, and 149 years before the birth of Christ. 

The singular austerity of his own manners, and the 
important reformation which he effected in those of 
his countrymen, have obtained for this eminent 
Roman, a high degree of celebrity. 



132 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


He was born about two hundred and thirty years 
before the Christian era, atTusculum, a town twelve 
miles east from Rome. The name of his family was 
Prisons, but he received the appellation of Cato*, 
on account of his great prudence. His father was 
of plebeian rank, but a military officer, who had 
served, during several campaigns, in the Roman 
army. 

Cato is said to have had a harsh countenance, red 
hair, and grey eyes; and an inflexibility of character 
which, in some degree, corresponded with the harsh¬ 
ness of his features. We are told that, even from 
his infancy, he indicated, by his mode of speaking, 
by his countenance, and even by his childish recre¬ 
ations, an extraordinary firmness of mind. He 
always persevered in accomplishing what he under¬ 
took, however unsuited it might have been either to 
his inclination or his strength. He was rough to¬ 
wards those who flattered him, and wholly untract- 
able when threatened. He was rarely seen to laugh, 
or even to smile; and was not easily provoked to 
anger; but, if once incensed, it was not without 
great difficulty that he could be pacified. 

From a very early period of his life, Cato accus¬ 
tomed himself to endure hardships and fatigue. He 
also studied the graces of eloquence; and, even 
whilst a boy, was considered an excellent orator. 
The first tendency of his ambition was to military 
glory. He became a .soldier at seventeen, and served 
in the Roman army against Annibal, when that com¬ 
mander was in the height of his prosperity. As a 
soldier his courage was invincible. He always 
marched on foot, bearing his own weapons, and 
attended only by one servant, who carried his 
provisions; and so abstemious was he, that he was 
contented with whatever was set before him. When 


* Cat its is a Latin adjective signifying wise or prudent. 



MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


133 


he was not immediately engaged in military duty, he 
himself often turned cook, and assisted in dressing 
his own dinner. But his conduct in retirement was 
much more interesting than his character as a sol¬ 
dier. In the country of the Sabines he had a little 
cottage and farm, which had been left to him by his 
father, and had formerly belonged to Manlius Curius 
Dentatus, whose memory he greatly revered. At 
this farm, during the early part of his life, Cato 
chiefly resided. He was delighted in reflecting on 
the smallness and meanness of the dwelling; and, 
on the character and virtues of the man, who had re¬ 
tired to it after three triumphs, and who had culti¬ 
vated, with his own hands, the grounds attached to it. 
At this cottage it was that the ambassadors of the 
Samnites had found Curius Dentatus, in his chimney- 
corner, employed in dressing turnips; it was here 
that they ottered to him a large present of gold; 
which he, unhesitatingly, rejected, observing, that a 
man who could be satisfied with a supper of turnips, 
had no need of gold. Influenced by this example, 
Cato adopted every means of increasing his own la¬ 
bour, and retrenching his establishment and ex¬ 
penses. 

Valerius Flaccus, a nobleman of great eminence, 
possessed an estate contiguous to the farm of Cato; 
and he had often heard his servants speak of the la¬ 
borious and temperate life of his neighbour. Among 
other things, they told him that Cato was accustomed 
to go, early in the morning, to the little towns in the 
neighbourhood, for the purpose of pleading the 
causes of such persons as applied to him; that, 
thence he would return to his farm, where, in a 
coarse frock, if it were winter, or naked if it w ere 
summer, he would labour with his domestics, and 
afterwards sit down and partake of their homely 
food. They related many other instances of his 
moderation and condescension; and recited many of 
his sayings, which exhibited great good sense, and a 


134 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


correct knowledge of mankind. In short, the ac¬ 
counts which reached Valerius, concerning his neigh¬ 
bour, were altogether so surprising, that he was 
resolved to call upon him. He did so, and, asto¬ 
nished at the singularity of his character and his ex¬ 
traordinary talents, he became interested in his 
welfare. He made him known to several other no¬ 
blemen; and, soon afterwards, prevailed with him to 
leave his retirement, and become a candidate for 
public honours. 

Thus, from a little village and a country life, was 
Cato launched into the Roman government, as upon 
a boundless ocean, and at a time when the people 
were accustomed to regard the distinctions of opu¬ 
lence and family as of high importance. But his 
talents were too great, and his ambition, now roused, 
was too ardent to be depressed by common oppo¬ 
sition. In Rome he assumed the character of an 
advocate , and his pleadings soon obtained for him 
both friends and admirers. The interest of Valerius 
greatly aided his rise to preferment. He was first 
made military tribune and afterwards quaestor; and, 
in each of these employments, he attained consider¬ 
able reputation. He was afterwards joined with 
Valerius himself in the highest dignities; being the 
colleague of this nobleman both as consul and cen¬ 
sor. 

Whilst he was quaestor, Cato served in the Roman 
army under Scipio, in Sicily. He was a great ad¬ 
mirer of Fabius Maximus ; but not so much on ac¬ 
count of his reputation or his power, as for the cor¬ 
rectness of his life and manners. The liberality of 
Scipio’s disposition did not accord with Cato’s rigid 
notions of economy. Cato remonstrated with him, 
in the strongest terms, respecting what he considered 
a wanton profusion of the public money; but Scipio 
replied, that “ his country expected an account of 
services performed, not of money expended.” Unable 
to check his extravagance, Cato afterwards laid before 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


135 


the Roman senate, a formal complaint against Scipio. 
The consequence of this was the appointment of 
commissioners to Sicily, for the purpose of examining 
into the state of his proceedings. Scipio exhibited, 
to these commissoners, the state of his troops and 
his fleet, and dismissed them, highly gratified by his 
attentions and treatment. On their return to Rome, 
they informed the senate, that, “ although the general 
“ passed his hours of leisure in a cheerful manner 
“ with his friends, yet, that his liberal style of living 
“ had not caused him to neglect his duties as a 
“ commander.” 

From this period Cato continued to reside chiefly 
in Rome; where, by his eloquence, he obtained the 
appellation of the “ Roman Demosthenes.” His ex¬ 
cellence, as a public speaker, excited a general emu¬ 
lation among the young men of the city; but few of 
them were willing to imitate the practice, which he 
still continued, of tilling the ground with his own 
hands, and living in the most frugal and abstemious 
manner. Few, like Cato, could be satisfied with a 
plain habit and a poor cottage; or could think it 
more honourable not to want the superfluities of life 
than to possess them. Justly, therefore, was he en¬ 
titled to admiration; for, whilst other citizens were 
alarmed at labour, and enervated by pleasure, he 
alone remained unconquered by either. 

It is said that the garments of Cato were always 
of the plainest kind; and that, even when he was 
consul, he drank the same common wine as his 
slaves. Finery of every description he held in con¬ 
tempt. The walls of his country-house were en¬ 
tirely naked, unadorned either with plaster or white¬ 
wash. Through his whole establishment, he invari¬ 
ably preferred utility to ornament. The Romans 
were chiefly served by slaves; and although the 
handsomest slaves were those principally esteemed, 
Cato chose his only by their strength and ability to 
labour; and, when they grew old, he always sold 


136 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


them, that he might not have any thing useless to 
support. On this subject, however, Plutarch justly 
says: “ It is almost impossible to attribute Cato’s 
“ using his servants like so many beasts of bur- 
“ den, and turning them off or selling them when 
“ grown old, to any other than a mean and ungene- 
“ rous spirit, which accounts the sole tie, between 
“ man and man, to be interest or necessity. A 
“ good man will take care of those beings who are 
“ dependent on him, not only whilst they are young, 
“ but when they are old and past service. We 
“ ought not to treat living creatures like our clothes 
“ or furniture, which, when worn out with use, we 
“ throw away. For my own part, (continues this 
“ amiable and excellent writer,) I would not sell 
“ even an ox that had laboured for me; much less 
“ would I banish, for the sake of a little money, a 
“ man grown old in my service, for he could be of no 
“ more use to the buyer than he was to the seller.” 

But Cato was, in every particular, a rigid econo - 
mist. He thought nothing cheap that was super¬ 
fluous; and what a man had no need of, he consider¬ 
ed to be dear, even at the lowest price. He used to 
say, on the Subject of pleasure-grounds, that “ it 
“ was better to have fields, where the plough can 
“ work or cattle feed, than fine gardens and walks, 
“ which require much watering and sweeping.” 

He was a man of astonishing temperance. When 
a general in the Roman army, his expenditure was 
much less than that of any officer of equal rank. 
And, afterwards, when he was governor of Sardinia, 
where many of his predecessors had lavished enor¬ 
mous sums, Cato was of no expence to the public. 
Instead of using a carriage, as all preceding govern¬ 
ors had done, he walked from town to towm, attend¬ 
ed by a single officer. Indeed, in all things of this 
description, he w r as one of the most contented of 
men ; and, in every particular relative to the govern- 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 137 

ment, and especially in the rigid execution of his 
orders, none could exceed him. 

About this period the attention of the public was 
called to the discussion of a law which had been 
established about twenty years before, and which re¬ 
quired that “ no woman should possess more than 
“ half an ounce of gold, nor wear a garment of vari- 
“ ous colours, nor use a carriage drawn by horses, 
“ in any city or town, nor in any place nearer than one 
“ mile to a city or town, except when authorized to do 
“ so, by joining in some public religious solemnity.” 
Two of the tribunes now proposed that this law 
should be repealed; and, at the time fixed for the 
subject to be discussed, the capitol was filled by an 
immense crowd of people, some to support and 
others to oppose it. Nor could even the matrons 
(says Livy) be detained in their houses, by advice or 
by shame, or even by the commands of their hus¬ 
bands. They beset every street in the city, and 
every pass to the capitol. They came even from 
distant towns and villages, and were urgent with the 
consuls, the praetors, and other magistrates, to grant 
them a freedom, in these particulars, equal to that 
enjoyed by the men. They applied to Cato, as one 
of the consuls, but to no purpose; for he addressed 
a powerful harangue, against the repeal of what 
he considered so beneficial a law. They, however, 
had so much influence as to overpower all his argu¬ 
ments ; to obtain its repeal; and thus to be allowed 
to w T ear whatever clothes, and to travel in whatever 
manner, they pleased. 

In the year of the city 557, Cato was appointed 
consul. A consular army was necessary for a war 
which was carrying on in Spain, and the command 
of it fell, by lot, to him. The troops, however, with 
which he had to sail for that country, it cost him 
much labour to train, so as to be fit for service; and, 
in the Spaniards, he had to oppose a people, who, 
both from the Romans and the Carthaginians, had, of 
late, been gradually acquiring the art of war. 


138 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


On landing in Spain, he immediately sent away all 
his ships, that the troops which he had brought 
might place their only hopes of safety in their own 
valour; and, with a similar design, when he approach¬ 
ed the enemy, he made a circuit, and posted his 
men on a plain so situated, that the Spaniards were 
between him and his camp. As they could not, in 
the former instance, retreat to their ships, so, in this, 
they could not attain security in their camp but by 
victory. 

While Cato was here actively employed, in sub¬ 
duing some of the people by arms and winning 
others by kindness, a large army of Spaniards sud¬ 
denly attacked him, and he was in danger of being 
totally defeated. In this dilemma, he sent to desire 
assistance from an adjacent province, and it was 
promised on condition of his paying a certain sum of 
money. All the officers of his army were enraged 
at the idea of the Romans purchasing assistance 
from people whom they denominated barbarians. 
But Cato mildly replied : “ It is no such hardship 
“ as you imagine: if we conquer, we shall pay them 
“ at the expence of the enemy, and if we are con- 
“ quered, there will be nobody either to pay or to 
“ make the demand.” He gained the battle, and 
never afterwards failed of success. During this 
expedition, Cato is said to have taken more towns 
than he had resided days in the country; and much 
plunder was shared among his soldiers: but he 
took nothing for himself, except what he ate and 
drank. 

When the war was nearly terminated, Scipio, 
desirous of reaping honour by finishing it, and of 
thus, as it were, tearing the laurels from Cato’s 
brow, obtained his recal, and the appointment of 
of himself to the chief command in Spain. But the 
senate was so satisfied with the operations of their 
former commander, that Scipio was not suffered to 
alter any thing which Cato had established. The 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


ISO 


command, therefore, which Scipio had so anxiously 
solicited, tended rather to diminish his own glory 
than that of Cato; and Cato, on his return to 
Home , w r as honoured with a public triumph. 

Some time after this, he accompanied the consul 
Tiberius Sempronius into Thrace; and he subse¬ 
quently went, as a legionary tribune, into Greece. 
The Romans had commenced a war against Anlio - 
chus, king of Syria, who, next to Annibal, was the 
most formidable opponent they had ever en¬ 
countered. Antiochus had advanced, with his troops, 
and blocked up the narrow pass of Thermopylae, 
between the mountains of Thessaly and Phocis. As 
it was considered impossible to force the pass, Cato, 
with a division of his troops, under the conduct of a 
guide, attempted, by a circuitous path, to march 
into the rear of the enemy. When they had advan¬ 
ced to some distance, it was found that the guide 
had lost his way, and that they were in the midst of 
almost impassable rocks and precipices. Conducted 
by a Roman officer, who was dexterous in climbing 
steep mountains, Cato moved his troops forward, 
though at the imminent hazard of their lives ; for, in 
the midst of darkness, they w r ere compelled to 
scramble along, through wild olive-trees, and among 
steep rocks. After having long wandered about, 
apparently to little purpose, the day began to dawn; 
and, the sound of voices being heard, the advanced 
guard of the Grecian camp was observed at the foot 
of the rock. Cato immediately ordered his troops 
to descend, and surprise the guard. This was done, 
and one of the men was brought to him. From 
information given by this prisoner, he was enabled 
to direct an attack in such a manner that, in a short 
time, the pass was forced, and the enemy w f as totally 
defeated. Though Cato was, at this period, only a 
tribune, acting under Tiberius, the latter attributed 
all the merit of the victory to him, and sent him 
with an account of it, to Rome; that he might be the 


146 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


first to announce the intelligence of his own achieve¬ 
ments. So much were the Romans rejoiced at this 
victory, and so much did it elevate them in their 
own estimation, that they now believed there could 
be no bounds to their power. 

These were the most remarkable of Cato’s military 
exploits. From this time, his attention seems to 
have been almost wholly applied to civil affairs. As 
an opponent of Scipio, he supported a charge against 
that general, but was not successful; and subse¬ 
quently, a charge against his brother, Lucius Scipio, 
who was condemned. Cato himself is said to have 
been impeached no fewer than fifty times; but he 
was always enabled to establish his integrity. 

About ten years after the termination of his con¬ 
sulship, he was a candidate for the office of censor , 
and had six competitors, all principal members of 
the senate. Each of the candidates, except himself 
and Valerius Flaccus, imagining that the people 
were desirous of being governed with lenity, flattered 
them with hopes of a mild censorship, expecting 
thereby to attain the popular favour. Cato, on the 
contrary, professed his resolution to punish every 
instance of vice; and, loudly declaring that the city 
required thorough reformation, conjured the people, 
if they were wise, to choose not the mildest but the 
severest physician. He told them that, if he were 
elected, he would be to them such a physician; he 
would endeavour to render important service to the 
commonwealth, by suppressing the luxury and 
effeminacy of the times. 

Cato and his friend Valerius Flaccus were the 
successful candidates; and, soon after the election, 
they began to perform the duties of their office, by 
expelling from the senate many persons who had 
been guilty of misconduct. Among his other pro¬ 
ceedings, Cato caused an estimate to be made of all 
apparel, carriages, female ornaments, furniture, and 
utensils; and wherever the property of these, in any 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


141 


family, exceeded a fixed sum, it was rated at ten 
times as much, and paid a tax according to that 
valuation. This procedure occasioned him numerous 
enemies, not only among such persons, as, rather than 
part with their luxuries, chose to pay the tax; but 
even among such as were compelled to lessen their 
expences in order to avoid it. With the generality 
of mankind a prohibition to exhibit their wealth has 
nearly the same effect as the taking of it away; for 
opulence is invariably seen in the superfluities, not 
in the necessaries of life. Hence, the complaints 
against the conduct of Cato were innumerable. He 
had to contend with nearly all the greatest and most 
powerful men in Rome. Their complaints were 
incessant; but he paid no regard to them. 

Many of the most opulent Romans had conducted 
water from the public reservoirs and fountains, into 
their houses and gardens. He caused all the pipes 
by which this was done, to be cut off: he also de¬ 
molished every building which projected improperly 
into the streets. He diminished the expence of the 
public works, and farmed out the revenue, at the 
highest rent it would bear. These were great public 
benefits, but they gave excessive offence to many 
powerful individuals, who endeavoured, by every 
possible means, to render him odious. The people, 
however, highly pleased with his conduct, erected to 
him, in the temple of Health, a statue, on the pedes¬ 
tal of which w as the following inscription: “ In 
“ honour of Cato the censor , tv ho, tvhen the Roman 
“ commonwealth was declining to decay , set it upright 
“ by salutary discipline , and wise ordinances and 
“ institutions .” 

No man had ridiculed honours of this description 
more than Cato ; and, in the present instance, when 
his friends expressed surprise that he had not earlier 
attained so valuable a mark of public esteem, he 
replied: “ I had much rather you should be sur- 
“ prised at the people's having delayed to erect a 


142 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


\ 

“ statue to Cato, than hear you ask why they had 
“ erected it.” 

Towards the latter pari of his life , the character 
of Cato seems, in many particulars, to have changed. 
He now became avaricious; and, as his thirst for 
wealth increased, he turned his thoughts to various 
modes of obtaining money. He purchased ponds, 
hot baths, and property of any kind which would 
yield him profit. He even practised the most blame- 
able kinds of usury, in lending money at an 
enormous rate of interest for the use of it. He like¬ 
wise lent money to his slaves, for the purchase of 
boys, whom they instructed and fitted for service. 
These boys were afterwards sold by auction; and 
Cato deducted, out of the purchase-money, the sums 
that had been lent, and the interest for the use of 
them. This was extraordinary conduct for the man 
who, in Sardinia, had himself been peculiarly severe 
in checking usury, as a practice extremely injurious 
to society. 

Another circumstance observable respecting the 
old age of Cato is, that although, in his youth, he 
had been remarkable for temperance, and had con¬ 
sidered this one of the most estimable of virtues, he 
now became fond of conviviality. In the company 
of his friends, he is said not only to have drunk 
freely, but sometimes to have sate up all night 
drinking. Plutarch, however, intimates that the 
time was passed in rational conversation, and not 
altogether in drinking. “ Cato (he says) always 
“invited some of his acquaintance to sup with him: 
“ and, in the company of these, he passed the tim6 
“ in cheerful conversation, making himself agreeable 
“ not only to persons of his own age, but to the 
“young; for he had a thorough knowledge of the 
“ world, and had collected a great variety of facts 
“ and anecdotes which were highly entertaining. 
“ He considered the table as one of the best means 
“ of forming friendships; and, at his table, the con- 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


143 


“ versation generally turned upon the praises of 
“ great and excellent men among the Romans: of 
“ the profligate and unworthy no mention was made; 

“ for he would not suffer, in his company, one word, 

“ either good or bad, to be spoken of them.” 

In the day time, Cato chiefly amused himself in 
writing books, and cultivating the ground. He even 
wrote a book on country affairs. This, which is 
his only work now extant, treats, among other 
things, of the modes of fattening geese, poultry, and 
pigeons; and of making cakes and preserving 
fruits. 

Speaking of himself, when in his seventieth year, 
he says: “ I have neither building, nor plate, nor 
“ rich clothes of any sort. I have no expensive ser- 
“ vants, either male or female. If there be any thing 
“ for which I have occasion, I use it; if not, I go 
“ without it.” He adds, “ people censure me be- 
“ cause I am without so many things, and I complain 
“ of them, because they cannot do without them.” 

The public services of Cato were not yet at an 
end. A war having broken out between the Car¬ 
thaginians and Massinissa, king Numidia, an ancient 
ally of the Romans, Cato, notwithstanding his great 
age, was dispatched into Africa, to investigate the 
cause of it. He arrived at Carthage, and, from the 
extensive preparations which the Carthaginians had 
made, he imagined that their war with the Numi- 
dians was only a prelude to future combats with the 
Romans. He returned in haste to Rome; and, in a 
long and emphatic speech, he stated to the senate all 
the information he had obtained. At the conclusion, 
he exhibited, in one of the lappets of his gown, some 
large figs: “The country (said he,) where these grew, 

“ is but three days’ sail from Rome.” By this action 
he conveyed to the Romans an idea that the country 
of Carthage was rich and fertile; and, in his opinion, , 
ought to be conquered and colonized by them. 
And, afterwards, whatever might be the subject on 


144 MAECUS PORCIUS CATO. 

which he spoke in the senate, he always concluded 
his harangue with this expression, “ Delenda est 
“ Carthago “ Carthage ought to be destroyed.” 
His perseverance was so unremitted, that he, at 
length, brought about the third and last Carthaginian 
war, in which, though after his death, his desires 
were effected. 

Cato survived his son by his first wife; but, by 
his second wife, the daughter of his secretary, and a 
very young woman, he left a son, who from his ma¬ 
ternal grand-father was surnamed Salonius. This 
Cato Salonius was the grand-father of Cato of Utica, 
one of the most illustrious men of his time. Cato 
himself died, at the age of eighty-five or ninety 
years; in the year of Rome 605, and 149 years 
before the birth of Jesus Christ. 

He was remarkable for four important virtues: 
industry, bravery, frugality, and patriotism. By his 
industry, he elevated himself to the highest prefer¬ 
ment, nor did he remit it even when he had attained the 
objects of his pursuit. To the disposal of his time 
he was always attentive, for he was fully sensible of 
its value. His bravery is indisputable. His fru¬ 
gality is proved by his simple and temperate mode of 
life; and its consequences were strength, health, and 
long life. Frugal of his own fortune, his patriotism 
led him to be equally so of the public treasure, when 
committed to his care; and he was, at all times, 
zealous in reviving and supporting the ancient vir¬ 
tues of his country. 

But with these various excellences, Cato had great 
defects and many unamiable qualities. His ambition, 
being poisoned by envy, disturbed both his own 
peace and that of the city. Asa master, he became 
stern and unfeeling. His economy degenerated into 
avarice; and, though he was uncorrupt in the 
management of the public money, he descended to 
very mean and unwarrantable practices to amass a 
private fortune. 


ftt ARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


145 


Cato was incessant in censuring the vanity of 
others, yet he was, himself, excessively vain. 
Among the instances which have been recorded of 
this, we may mention his speech after the battle of 
Thermopylae: “ Those (said he) who saw Cato 
“ charging the enemy, routing, and pursuing them, 

“ declared that Cato owed less to the people of 
“ Rome, than the people of Rome did to Cato; and, 

“ as he came in, panting with exertion, the consul 
“ took him in his arms, and embracing him, ex- 
“ claimed, in a transport of joy, that, neither he, nor 
“ the whole Roman people, could sufficiently reward 
u Cato’s merit.” He used to say, of persons who 
were guilty of misdemeanors, and were reproved for 
them by him, that they perhaps considered them¬ 
selves excusable, “as they were not Catos;” and 
such as imitated his actions, and did it awkwardly, 
he called “ left-handed Catos.” He is known to 
have asserted that “ the senate, in dangerous times, 
“ were accustomed to cast their eyes upon him, as 
“ passengers in a ship, during a storm, do upon the 
“ pilot.” His vanity, however, may so far be consi¬ 
dered excusable, as his assertions, in all these par¬ 
ticulars, were founded in truth; for his life, his 
eloquence, and his strict integrity, gave him great 
authority in Rome. 

In his private characler he was an affectionate hus¬ 
band and a good father. He was often known to say 
that ** he preferred the character of a good husband 
“ to that of a great senator.” When we consider how 
much he was engaged in the management of public 
affairs, we shall be surprised at the extraordinary 
attentions which he paid to his son. During the 
infancy of this son, no private business, however 
urgent, could prevent him from being at all times 
present when his wife washed and swaddled him. 
As soon as the child was capable of receiving know¬ 
ledge, Cato not only had him instructed by an able 
grammarian, but also took upon himself much of the 

ir 


146 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


office of instructor. Besides training him to literary 
pursuits, he taught him to throw the dart, to fight 
hand to hand, to ride, to box, to endure heat and 
cold, and to swim in the roughest and most rapid 
parts of the river. This may seem an extraordinary 
course of instruction; but, as nearly all Roman 
youths were trained to war, exercises like these, 
tended, in a peculiar manner, to fit them for a 
military life. He likewise wrote little histories for 
his son; by which the boy was enabled to attain a 
knowledge of the illustrious actions of the ancient 
Romans, and of the most important customs of his 
country. He was peculiarly careful that his child 
should never either witness indecorous actions or 
hear indecent conversation. 

There was great singularity in Cato’s manage¬ 
ment of his family. With regard, for instance, to 
his slaves; none of them were ever suffered to go 
into the houses of other persons, unless they were 
sent thither either by him or by his wife. And, if any 
person asked them what their master was doing, 
they had express injunctions to answer that “ they 
“ did not know.” It was also a rule with him al¬ 
ways to have his slaves (if possible) either employed 
in the house, or asleep; because he thought they 
must then be out of mischief. And he liked those 
best who slept the most soundly. One of his great¬ 
est failings was the unkind treatment of his slaves. 
When he was young, and had only a slender income, 
he never found fault with what was served up to his 
table; but, afterwards, when he had risen to emi¬ 
nence in the state, and made entertainments for his 
friends, he never failed, as soon as the dinner was 
over, to correct, with leather thongs, such of his 
slaves as had been guilty of negligence. He 
also contrived to excite perpetual quarrels and jea¬ 
lousies among his servants; being fearful that bad 
consequences might result to him from their unani¬ 
mity. And, when any of his slaves were accused of 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


147 

a capital crime, they underwent the form of a trial, 
in the presence of their fellow-servants; and, if 
found guilty, were put to death. 

That Cato had some singular weaknesses of cha¬ 
racter, will appear from the facts which have been 
already stated; and will be rendered still more 
evident by noticing his quackery in medicine. He 
wrote a tract on the mode of curing diseases: and 
he mentions in it the diet which he prescribed to his 
family when any of them were sick. He allowed them 
to eat vegetables, duck, pigeon, or hare. Food like 
this, he says, is light and suitable for sick persons; and 
has no other inconvenience than that of producing 
dreams. He has even mentioned a kind of charm 
to be used in the cure of dislocations. But, by his 
perseverance in his own modes of curing diseases, he 
is stated to have lost both his wife and his son. 
That he lasted so long himself was, no doubt, owing, 
not to his medical knowledge, but to his temperate 
habits, and his naturally good constitution. 


Remarkable sayings of Cato. 

The manner in which Cato spoke, was often very 
remarkable. Plutarch describes it to have been 
elegant, facetious, and familiar; and, at the same 
time, grave, sententious, and vehement. Many of 
his sayings have been recorded. 

Complaining of the luxurious mode of living 
among the Romans, he said: “ It is indeed a hard 
“ matter to save, from ruin, that city, where a fish 
“ is sold for more than an ox.” To so unwarranta¬ 
ble an excess was luxury of the table carried, 
that salt-fish, from the Black Sea, are said to have 
been sold for as much as twelve guineas each ; and 
instances of greater extravagance than this occurred 
during the times of the Roman emperors. 

On the subject of extravagance, particularly in 
the table, Cato, pointing to a young man, who had 

H 2 


148 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO- 


sold a paternal estate by the sea-side, said: u What 
“ the sea could not have swallowed without difficul- 
“ ty, that man has swallowed with all imaginable 

“ ease.” 

Cato once observed, of the Roman people, that 
they were like sheep. “ Singly, (he said,) these 
“ animals can scarcely be induced to move, but they 
“ all in a body follow their leaders. Just such, (he 
“ continued) are you Romans. The very men 
“ whose counsel, as individuals, you would despise, 
“ lead you with ease in a crowd.” 

Exhorting the people to virtue, he observed: “ If 
“ it be by virtue and temperance, that you are be- 
“ come great, change not for the worse; but if by 
“ vice and intemperance, change for the better; 
“ for you are already great enough by such means 
“ as these.” 

He used to say that his “ enemies hated him, be- 
“ cause he neglected his own concerns, and rose 
“ before break of day to watch over those of the 
“ public: but he would rather have his good actions 
“ go unrewarded than his bad ones unpunished; 
“ and he pardoned every one’s faults with greater 
“ ease than his own.” 

He reproved the people for often choosing the 
same consuls : “Ye either (said he) think the con- 
“ sulship of little value, or have but a small number 
“ of men worthy of the office.” 

The Romans, on a particular occasion, having 
sent three ambassadors to the king of Bitliynia, of 
whom one had the gout, another had his skull tre¬ 
panned, and the third was nearly an ideot; Cato 
smiled, and observed that “ they had sent an em- 
“ bassy, which had neither feet, head, nor heart.” 

When he was employed in Greece, he thus joked 
with his wife respecting the influence which her son 
had over her: “ The Athenians govern the Greeks: 
“ I govern the Athenians: you, wife, govern me; 
“ and your son governs you. Let him, then, use 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


149 

“ with moderation that pow r er which, child as he is, 
“ sets him above the Greeks.” 

“ Wise men (said Cato) learn more from fools 
“ than fools do from wise men : for the wise avoid 
“ the errors of fools, but fools do not profit from the 
“ example of the wise.” 

Being once rudely treated by a man who had led 
a dissolute and infamous life, he said, “ It is upon 
“ very unequal terms that I contend with you : you are 
“ accustomed to hear reproach, and can utter it with 
“ pleasure, but with me it is both unusual to hear, 
“and disagreeable to utter reproach.” 

It was a saying of Cato, that, “ he liked a young 
“ man who blushed better than one who turned pale; 
“ and that he did not approve of a soldier who 
“ moved his hands in marching and his feet in fight- 
“ ing, and who snored louder in bed than he shouted 
“ in battle.” 

Cato was known to assert that, “ during his whole 
“ life, he had never repented but of three things: 
“ the first, that he had trusted a woman with a se- 
“ cret; the second, that he had gone by sea, when 
“ he might have gone by land; and the third, that 
“ he had passed one day without having a will 
“ by him.” 

When drawing near the close of life he declared, 
to his friends, that “ the greatest comfort he pos¬ 
sessed in his old age, was the recollection of the 
“ many benefits and friendly offices he had done to 
“ other persons.” 


Authorities .—Plutarch and Livy. 


150 


LUCIUS PAULUS IEMILIUS. 

A Roman consul and general , who is chicjly celebrated for having 
successfully conducted a war against Perseus , Icing of Mace don. 
He died about the year 647 cf Rome , and 107 years before the 
birth of Christ. 


We are now arrived at a period when the manners 
of the Romans had become greatly corrupted by 
prosperity. Many of the noble families w r ere dis¬ 
graced by luxury, pride, cruelty, and perfidy: some, 
it is true, were eminent for virtue; and, as these 
happened to prevail in the senate and in the army, 
the Roman history is marked by records of disho¬ 
nourable or glorious actions. The Roman youth, 
however, are said to have, in general, been educated 
in great modesty and temperance; and to have been 
taught to venerate the ancient laws of their 
country. 

The JEmilian family was one of the most ancient 
among the Roman nobility; and the person, a nar¬ 
rative of whose actions I am about to relate, was 
the son of that Paulus iEmilius, whose unhappy 
death, in the battle of Cannae, has already been 
mentioned in the memoir of Fabius Maximus. 

On beginning the world, he did not endeavour to 
attain public honours by any of the usual arts of 
popularity. His free and independent spirit would 
not permit him to flatter, caress, and solicit the 
people, the mode that most of his contemporaries 
and associates adopted. He w r as diligent in laying 
the basis of a far more noble and more lasting repu¬ 
tation; founded in virtue, and in incorruptible in¬ 
tegrity. 

The first office which he obtained in the state, was 
that of JEdile; and he succeeded against twelve 
powerful competitors. He and his colleague iEmi- 



LUCIUS PAULUS iEMILIUS. 


151 


Hus Lepidus obtained great applause from the people, 
by prosecuting, to conviction, some of the farmers 
of the public lands, who had defrauded the state; 
and, with the money received for the fines, they 
placed gilded shields in the upper part of the temple 
of Jupiter. 

Paulus iEmilius appears next to have been ap¬ 
pointed one of the priests called Augurs , whom the 
Romans employed in the inspection and care of 
divination, by the flight of birds, and by prodigies 
in the air. He is said to have studied, and to have 
perfected himself in all the ancient ceremonies of the 
augurs, and to have performed these with great 
skill. Indeed it appears, that he really placed much 
confidence in augury; and, unenlightened by reve¬ 
lation, we ought not, perhaps, to be surprised at 
mankind, (anxious to ascertain the views of divine 
providence,) deceiving themselves even by the gross¬ 
est superstition. 

It was the character of iEmilius, to perform, with 
ardour, the duty of every office which he undertook. 
When he served in the Roman army, he was exact, 
in the observance of military conduct and discipline. 
He did not, like many others, study to render him¬ 
self popular, by humouring and indulging the 
soldiers, all of whom, as Roman citizens, had votes, 
for great civil and military employments: but he 
impartially performed his duty, and thus brought the 
army into a high state of perfection. He was ac¬ 
customed to assert that the overcoming of an enemy 
was to him an object of much less importance, than 
bringing his countrymen to a state of strict disci¬ 
pline; for the former, he said, was a necessary con¬ 
sequence of the latter. 

About the year of Rome 563, there was a general 
revolt against the Roman authorities in Spain; and 
iEmilius, with about eighty thousand men, was 
directed to proceed thither. He fought a pitched 
battle with the Lusitanians, and totally routed them, 


152 


LUCIUS PAULUS ^EMILIUS. 


with a loss greater than the amount of his whole 
army. After this, we are told that two hundred and 
fifty towns opened their gates, and were voluntarily 
surrendered to him. He established peace through¬ 
out the province; and, as soon as he had secured its 
allegiance, he returned to Rome;—-but not one 
drachma richer than when he went out, for Paulus 
iEmilius never exhibited much eagerness to obtain 
wealth. 

In the year 570, he was elected consul; and, in 
the ensuing year, he headed an expedition against 
the Ligurians , a warlike and maritime people, who 
inhabited the north-western parts of Italy. They 
had an army of forty thousand men, whilst that of 
iEmilius consisted only of about eight thousand; 
and, although they were thus five times his number, 
he entirely routed them. The Ligurians afterwards 
made peace with the Romans, and surrendered to 
them all their large ships, with which they had pre¬ 
viously committed great devastation in almost every 
part of the Mediterranean. 

Notwithstanding these memorable services, when 
/Emilius again offered himself a candidate for the 
office of consul, he was rejected; and, being a man 
of independent spirit, he determined never after¬ 
wards to solicit it. 

For nearly fifteen years after this period, he lived 
in retirement, being chiefly occupied in his office of 
augur, and in the education of his children. He 
caused his two sons to be instructed in such 
sciences as were usually taught in Rome, and 
also in the politer arts of Greece. For this purpose, 
he not only kept masters who could teach them 
grammar, logic, and rhetoric, but also sculpture and 
painting. He likewise caused them to be instructed 
in almost every kind of martial exercise. He had 
two daughters, one of whom he rendered worthy to 
be married into the Affian family, and the other 
into the family of Cato. 


LUCIUS PAULUS ^EMILIUS. 


153 

The Romans became involved in a war with 
Perseus , king of Macedon: and, for some time, 
the advantage appeared to be on the side of 
the enemy. Their want of success was imputed to 
the incapacity and cowardice of their generals. 
They were consequently resolved to elect, as consul, 
some man capable of conducting the army more to 
their satisfaction, than those persons to whom the 
command had recently been given. At this time, 
iEmilius was near sixty years of age; but, being 
still in the vigour of health, and all his faculties 
being still unimpaired, he was considered the only 
man, capable of retrieving the character of his coun¬ 
try; and was, consequently solicited, by the citizens, 
to accept the consulship. Having been rejected by 
them before, he now received the offer with great 
indifference. For many successive days they en¬ 
treated of him to accept it. At last he was prevailed 
with to do so; and, immediately after his election, 
he assumed the command of the army, which was 
appointed to act against Perseus. 

It had been customary with those who were appoint¬ 
ed to the consulship, to make their acknowledgments 
in a speech to the people. iEmilius said to them, 
that “ he had formerly applied for the office of 
“ consul, because he w r anted a command; but that 
“ the people now entreated him to accept it, because 
“ they wanted a commander. He could not, there- 
“ fore, consider himself under the slightest obligation 
“ to them. If they knew any one wdio could manage 
“ the war better than himself, he would readily 
“ resign the command; but, if they placed any con- 
“ fidence in him, he expected that they would not 
■“ interfere with his orders, nor propagate any idle 
“ reports concerning him; but that they would 
“ quietly furnish whatever was requisite for the 
“ war.”—“ Let such (he continued) as think them- 
“ selves qualified to advise their general, now accom- 
*' { pany me into Macedonia. They shall have a 

ii 3 ' ~ 


154 


LXJCIUS PAULUS A2MIL1US. 


“ passage on board my ship; and, in the field, they 
“ shall be welcome to a place in my tent, and at my 
“table; but, if they now decline this offer, let them 
“ not, afterwards, pretend to judge of what they 
“ neither see nor understand.” This independent 
speech was received with great applause, and im¬ 
pressed even the populace with a just sense of re¬ 
spect for their consul. 

iEmilius set out on his expedition; and arrived, 
in safety, at the Roman camp in Macedonia; and 
perhaps no man was better qualified than he, for a 
service like this. In intrepidity, judgment, presence 
of mind, and dexterity of expedients, few were equal, 
and none superior to him. 

Perseus, the Macedonian commander, is described 
to have been a man of inferior capacity, and of mean 
and avaricious disposition. His army, however, 
consisted of about fifty thousand well-disciplined 
soldiers. When iEmilius advanced against them, 
they were encamped near the sea-coast, at the foot 
of Mount Olympus, and in an inaccessible place, 
strengthened on every side by fortifications of wood. 
Here Perseus lay, free from all apprehension of dan¬ 
ger; believing that he should be able to destroy the 
power of the consul, by protracting the time, and 
exhausting his means of subsistence. iEmilius 
studied every possible method of attack. His 
greatest difficulty consisted in restraining the im¬ 
petuosity of his soldiers; but, whenever they 
ventured to express impatience at his delay, he 
reproved them with the utmost severity; ordering 
them not to interfere with, nor attend to, any thing 
but their own persons and weapons. 

They suffered much from want of water; for they 
soon exhausted all the springs: and would have 
been compelled to quit their station, had it not oc¬ 
curred to iEmilius that, as the upper part of the 
mountains, near which they were encamped, was 
covered with trees, there must be springs beneath 


LUCIUS TAULUS jEMILIUS. 


the soil, which would discharge themselves at the 
bottom. He, therefore, caused several vtells to be 
dug. These were soon filled, and his troops were 
abundantly supplied with water. 

As Perseus would not risk a battle, it was requi¬ 
site that A£milius should explore the various passes 
of the mountains, and obtain every possible intelli¬ 
gence concerning the neighbourhood. At length he 
ascertained that there was a path, though a rugged 
and almost impracticable one, which the enemy had 
left unguarded. An officer whose name w r as Scipio 
Nasica, (and who was subsequently a leading man 
in the Roman senate,) volunteered his services, to 
head the troops in penetrating this pass, for the pur¬ 
pose of reaching the enemy; and Fabius Maximus, 
the eldest son of .Tlmilius, though only a youth, 
eagerly joined in the enterprise. That the enemy 
might not suspect their intentions, they commenced 
their march, by proceeding in a direction towards 
the sea. But, when night came on, Nasica explain¬ 
ed to the soldiers his real design, and directed them 
to follow a different route. They passed the night 
among the mountains; and, in the morning, Perseus, 
seeing that the camp of dEmilius was still in its 
place, little suspected the danger to which he was 
exposed. On being, soon afterwards, informed of it, 
by a Roman deserter, he detached twelve thousand 
men, to seize the heights above the Romans. A 
sharp and dangerous conflict ensued, in which the 
Macedonians were defeated. Perseus, terrified at 
this disaster, retired from his strong position, to a 
plain near Pydna; and iEmilius, having been joined 
by Nasica, marched against him. When, however, 
lie saw the number and excellent arrangement of the 
Macedonian force, he halted, for a while, to consider 
what was proper to be done. 

All the young officers were eager for engagement; 
and particularly Nasica: he entreated of his com¬ 
mander to lead them on without delay. iEmilius 


156 


LUCIUS PAULUS A3MILIU9. 


smiled at him, and answered, “ Nasica, I once 
“thought as you do now. Hereafter you will think 
“ with me. By long experience in war, I have 
“ learned when it is best to fight, and when to ab- 
“ stain from fighting. It would be improper for me now 
“ to explain to you the reasons which induce me to 
“rest to-day. Ask these some other time; and, at 
“present, acquiesce in the judgment of an old com- 
“ mander.” 

Nasica was silenced; for he had the utmost confi¬ 
dence in iEmilius. In fact, the Macedonians were, 
at this time, much more numerous than the Romans. 
Of the latter, nearly one fourth were at a distance in 
the rear, and even those who w r ere present w r ere too 
much fatigued with their march, to be able, success¬ 
fully, to oppose so powerful a foe, as was now' en¬ 
camped before them. 

On the ensuing day, when iEmiiius saw the 
tremendous line of Macedonians, and their allies, the 
Thracians, marching against him, he w T as astonished; 
but he was not intimidated. He exhibited to his 
troops a cheerful countenance, and rode, along his 
lines, without either helmet or breast-plate. On the 
contrary, the king of Macedon, notwithstanding his 
advantage in numbers, was no sooner engaged in the 
fight, than he gave way to his fears, and fled ; under 
pretence, as some assert, of sacrificing to Hercules; 
but, according to others, in consequence of a w ound 
wdnch he received from a javelin. Notwithstanding 
the defection of their monarch, the troops made so 
powerful an opposition, that it w 7 as not w ithout great 
difficulty and tremendous slaughter, on both sides, 
they w r ere subdued. It was solely by the skilful 
management of his troops, that iEmilius, at last, ob¬ 
tained a decisive and most important victory. 

But, rejoiced as he was, at his success as a com¬ 
mander, he was overwhelmed with grief, when, of 
his two sons, the youngest, whose name w r as Scipio, 
and whom he chiefly loved, was not to be found. 


LUCIUS PAULUS jEMILIUS. 


157 


As this youth, then only in his seventeenth year, 
had been naturally brave and ambitious of honour, 
it was concluded that his inexperience had engaged 
him too far in the hottest of the battle, and that he 
had been killed. The whole army sympathized in 
the distress of their general. Many, both of the 
soldiers and officers, ran out with torches, some to 
the general’s tent, and some to the trenches, to seek 
him among the slain. A profound melancholy 
reigned in the camp, while the field resounded with 
the cries of persons calling aloud his name; for he 
was a youth beloved by all. A considerable part of 
the night was passed in the search; and he was almost 
given up for lost, when he returned, accompanied by 
two or three of his friends, and covered with blood. 
Eager to perform his duty to the utmost, he had 
continued the pursuit too far; and, by so doing, 
might have fallen a sacrifice to his temerity. 

Within two days after this battle, iEmilius was 
master of the whole of Macedon. Perseus exhibited 
the most disgraceful traits, both of cruelty and cow¬ 
ardice. He stabbed two of his treasurers with a 
poniard, for having found some fault with his pro¬ 
ceedings; and, when he was at Amphipolis, fearful 
lest the inhabitants should deliver him to the Ro¬ 
mans, he came out with his only child, to entreat 
their favour; but his tears flowed so fast, that he 
found it impracticable to proceed. After this he 
fled to the island of Samothrace, in the yEgean Sea; 
and at last surrendered himself to yEmilius. This 
general, when informed of his approach, rose from 
his seat, and, accompanied by his friends, went to 
receive the king, as a great man reduced from splen¬ 
dour to captivity. But Perseus exhibited the most 
abject humility. He bowed down with his face to 
the earth, and embraced the knees of his conqueror 
in so humiliating a manner, that yEmilius exclaimed: 
“Wretched man! you do but tarnish my laurels, 
“ and detract from my achievements, by showing 


158 


LUCIUS PAULUS jEMILIUS. 


“ yourself a contemptible adversary, unfit to cope 
“ with a Roman. Courage in the unfortunate is re- 
“ vered, even by an enemy; but cowardice, though 
<f it meet with success, is ever held by the Romans 
“ in contempt.” He raised the degraded monarch 
with his hand, led him into his tent, and afterwards 
gave him in charge to one of the Roman officers. 

This reproof was spoken to Perseus in the Greek 
language. iEmilius, afterwards turning to those 
around him, addressed to them, in Latin, some in¬ 
structive remarks, on what had taken place. Igno¬ 
rant of any better principle, and believing that all 
human affairs were subject to what he termed the 
vicissitudes of fortune, he said: “ Is it fit that a mor- 
“ tal should be elated by prosperity, and plume him- 
“ self upon the overturning of a city or a king- 
“ dom? Observe this instance of the instability of 
“ human affairs. To you, young men, I principally 
“ address the observation. The very joy of success 
“ must ever be mingled with anxiety, in him who re- 
“ fleets upon the course of fate, which spares none, 
“ but humbles to-day one man, and to-morrow ano- 
ther. After a battle of one hour’s continuance, we 
“ have seen, in Perseus, the overthrow of the house 
“ of Alexander; that monarch, who once extended 
“ his empire over the greatest part of the world. 
“ When you contemplate this, and when you see 
“ princes, that were lately at the head of immense 
“ armies, receive their provisions, for the day, 
“ from the hands of their enemies; can you so far 
“ flatter yourselves, as to believe that fortune has 
“ firmly settled your prosperity? Rather, my young 
“ friends, quit this elation of heart, and the vain rap- 
“ tures of victory, and humble yourselves, in the 
“ thought of what may happen hereafter: even let 
“ us suppose, that the gods may send some misfor- 
“ tune to counterbalance our present success.” This 
was an instructive lesson; and, if we substitute 


LUCIUS PAULUS iEMILIUS. 159 

Providence for fortune and for fate, it would have 
been worthy of a Christian hero. 

On a subsequent occasion we shall, still more 
strongly, see the application of these principles to 
himself; and the mode in which he did apply them, 
even when his own conduct towards the enemy was 
extremely reprehensible. 

After this victory, iEmilius distributed his army 
into quarters, and made arrangements for redressing 
the grievances of the people, and reforming the 
government of Greece. The Roman power was now 
extended over Macedon. iEmilius declared the 
lands and the cities of the Macedonians free, and 
ordered that the people should be governed by their 
own laws, but that they should be tributary to Rome. 
He then exhibited various games and spectacles, 
offered sacrifices to the gods, and made great enter¬ 
tainments ; the expence of which he defrayed out of 
the Macedonian treasures. He was not, however, 
lavish of these treasures: he appropriated no part 
of them to his own use; and he delivered, all that 
remained, into the hands of the quaestors, to be con¬ 
veyed to Rome. All the booty which iEmilius re¬ 
served to himself, consisted of the books in the 
king’s library; and these he presented to his sons. 

The subsequent order of the Roman senate re¬ 
specting this unfortunate country, and even the con¬ 
duct of iEmilius, in compliance with that order, 
would have been disgraceful even to a country of 
barbarians. It was decreed, that the soldiers who 
had fought against Perseus, should be rewarded, by 
having permission to plunder the cities of Epirus; 
and, that they might be enabled to take the inhabi¬ 
tants by surprise, and thereby be the more success¬ 
ful, iEmilius sent for ten of the principal persons of 
each city, and fixed a day for them to bring in what¬ 
ever silver and gold could be found in their houses 
and temples. He directed that each of these per¬ 
sons should be accompanied by a centurion and a 


1G0 


LUCIUS PAULUS iEMILIUS. 


guard of soldiers; pretending that their presence 
would be necessary to protect the treasure. On the 
day that he had named, the soldiers rushed upon the 
inhabitants; and, in one hour, a hundred and fifty 
thousand persons were made slaves, and seventy 
cities were sacked. Yet, from this horrible devas¬ 
tation, each soldier received no more than eleven 
drachmas, about seven shillings of English money. 
Plutarch remarks, that all men shuddered at the ter¬ 
mination of this war; when they reflected upon the 
horror of such a complete destruction, and that for 
so paltry an advantage. After this iEmilius went to 
Oricum, whence he embarked, with his forces, for 
Italy. 

In proceeding up the river Tiber, to 1■tome, he 
sailed in a magnificent galley which had belonged to 
the king of Macedon; and which was richly adorned 
with weapons taken from the enemy, and with scar¬ 
let and purple cloth. The banks of the river were 
covered with multitudes of people, who came to wit¬ 
ness the arrival of the victorious general and his 
army. 

The Roman soldiers had been excessively disap¬ 
pointed in their hopes of plunder; and on their re¬ 
turn to Rome, they murmured loudly against the 
conduct of iEmilius. They alleged that he had been 
severe and imperious in the command; and Servius 
Galba, w r ho had served under him as a tribune, cir¬ 
culated numerous calumnies, injurious to his charac¬ 
ter. 

It was proposed to honour him with a public 
triumph, in recompence for his services; but this was 
strongly opposed by the soldiers. The principal 
senators, however, headed by Marcus Servilius, and 
a great number of Roman citizens, were favourable 
to iEmilius; and, determining, if possible, to repress 
the bold and licentious spirit, which they observed 
to be rising in the army, they succeeded in obtaining a 
majority of votes, and the triumph was decreed. 


LUCIUS PAULUS A3MILIUS. 


161 


In every theatre or circus, where equestrian games 
were accustomed to be held; and, in all other parts 
of Rome, from which it was possible to see the pro¬ 
cession, scaffolds were erected. On the day of the 
triumph, the spectators w r ere clad in white garments. 
All the temples were opened, adorned w r ith garlands, 
and perfumed with incense. The triumph occupied 
three days. On the first, were exhibited the images, 
paintings, and colossal statues taken from the enemy, 
and carried in two hundred and fifty chariots. On 
the second day, the richest and most beautiful of the 
Macedonian weapons and armour, v r ere drawn 
through the city in an immense number of waggons. 
These w'ere both of brass and steel, and consisted of 
helmets, shields, breast-plates, Cretan targets, Thra¬ 
cian bucklers, swords, spears, and quivers filled with 
arrows; and they were so loosely tied together, that 
they clattered as they w T ere drawn along, with a 
noise so harsh and terrible, that they could scarcely 
be looked upon without dread. After the weapons 
and armour, walked three thousand men, who carried, 
in seven hundred and fifty vessels, the silver money 
which had been taken from the enemy. Each ves¬ 
sel was borne by four men. Next to these followed 
men bearing bowls, goblets, and cups, all of silver, 
and valuable not only for their size, but for the rich¬ 
ness of the ornaments engraven upon them. On the 
third day, early in the morning, the trumpeters first 
advanced, sounding martial airs. These were fol¬ 
lowed by one hundred and twenty fat oxen, led to 
the sacrifice, having their horns gilded, and their 
heads adorned with ribbons and garlands: the youths 
w r ho led them were girded with belts of curious 
workmanship. Next came a number of boys, who 
carried the gold and silver vessels for the sacrifice. 
They were followed by persons bearing the gold 
coin which had been taken. This was carried in 
seventy-seven vessels, each held by four persons. 
Then marched the bearers of the golden bowl, set 


162 


LUCIUS PAULUS iEMILIUS. 


with precious stones, which iEmilius had caused to 
be made and consecrated to Jupiter, and which 
weighed six hundred pounds. After them advanced 
the men who carried the cups of Antigonus, Seleu- 
cus, and Thericles, and the gold plate which had 
been used at the table of Perseus. Immediately be¬ 
hind these was the chariot of Perseus, with his 
armour upon it, and upon that his diadem. At a 
little distance behind it were led, captive, his chil¬ 
dren, attended by their nurses, preceptors, and 
governors: then came Perseus himself, clad in 
black, and wearing sandals after the fashion of his 
country. He seemed overwhelmed with wretched¬ 
ness, and appeared almost like a man deprived of 
reason. A great number of his friends and favour¬ 
ites followed him, their countenances oppressed with 
sorrow. After these w 7 ere carried four hundred 
coronets of gold, which had been sent to iEmilius, 
from different cities, as compliments upon his vic¬ 
tory. The next in the procession was iEmilius him¬ 
self, seated in a chariot magnificently adorned. He 
w r as clad in a robe of purple interwoven with gold; 
and held, in his right hand, a branch of laurel. The 
whole army, bearing boughs of laurel, and divided 
into bands and companies, followed the chariot of 
their general, some singing satyrical odes, and others 
songs of triumph, and songs in praise of their com¬ 
mander. 

A most instructive lesson is taught by this part of 
the history of iEmilius. Plutarch, though a heathen 
writer, thus moralizes upon it. “ There perhaps 
“ exists (says he) some Superior Being, wdiose office 
“ it is to cast a shade upon great and eminent pros- 
“ perity, so as to mingle the lot of human life, that 
“ it may never be free from calamity; but, that those 
“ may think themselves the most happy, to whom 
“ are distributed an equal share of good and evil.” 
Of the four sons of iEmilius, one of them, fourteen 
years of age, suddenly died, five days before his 


LUCIUS PAULUS ASMILIUS. 


163 


father’s triumph; and another, twelve years old, died 
three days after it. 

JEmilius himself states that he had expected some 
severe private misfortune to follow from his late un¬ 
interrupted flow of success. After the death of his 
second son, he assembled the people of Rome, and 
addressed them nearly in these terms. “ Though I 
“ have never feared any thing human, yet, among 
“ things divine, I have always had a dread of For- 
“ tune; and, because, in the course of this war she 
“ had prospered all my undertakings, I did expect 
“ that some tempest would follow so favourable a 
“ gale. In one day I passed the Ionian Sea: thence, 
“ in five days, I reached Delphi, and sacrificed to 
“ Apollo. Within five days more, I assumed the 
“ command of the army in Macedon: I proceeded 
“ to action, and, in the space of fifteen days, I glo- 
“ riously terminated the war. Fearful that Fortune, 
“ after such success, would visit me with some re- 
“ verse, and, being free from all danger with respect 
“ to the enemy, I began to be apprehensive of dan- 
“ ger on my passage home. But, I arrived safe 
“ among my countrymen, and beheld the city full of 
“ of joy, festivity, and gratitude. Still I suspected 
“ that some misery hung over me, knowing that 
“ Fortune grants us no considerable favour without 
“ some mixture of uneasiness or infliction of pain. 
“ Full of anxious thoughts lest some evil might befal 
“ the commonwealth, my fears did not quit me till 
“ this calamity visited my house: till I had to bury 
“ my two sons, on the very days sacred to triumph. 
“ Thus has the man who led the triumph, exhibited 
“ as impressive an instance of the weakness of hu- 
“ man power, as he who was led captive: with this 
“ difference only, that the sons of the vanquished are 
“ alive, and those of the conqueror are no more.” 

Plutarch states that there was not a man in Rome 
who did not sympathize with iEmilius in his afflic¬ 
tion. And yet these Romans, who were thus dis- 


164 


LUCIUS PAULUS IEMILIUS* 


tressed by the affliction of their general, had little 
sympathy for the sufferings of their conquered foes ; 
for the families of those who had been slain in their 
battles ; for the hundred and fifty thousand inhabi¬ 
tants of Epirus, who had been dragged from their 
homes, and sold as slaves by this same iEmilius. 
Can we, as Christians, imagine his misfortune to 
have been as he states, a consequent merely upon 
his success ? May we not rather, and without any 
unchristian spirit in judging, suppose it possible to 
have been a visible and just interposition of Provi¬ 
dence, to punish that havoc of the human species, of 
which he had so wantonly been guilty*. 

After this, iEmilius, though he attached himself to 
the nobility, contrived to retain also the esteem of 
the populace. Among other honours, the Romans 
conferred upon him the censorship , which he held till 
his death. This took place suddenly, in the sixty- 
eighth year of his age, and about one hundred and 
seven years before the Christian era. 

Notwithstanding the immense sums which this il¬ 
lustrious Roman brought into the treasury, he ac¬ 
cumulated no wealth for himself, but died so poor, 
that a considerable part of his effects were sold, for 
the purpose of paying the jointure of his widow ; 
and the expenses of his funeral were defrayed out of 
the public treasury. 

Had iEmilius either been born in a more virtuous 
age, or been possessed of sufficient strength of mind 
to have resisted the wickedness of his countrymen, 
his character might have been truly glorious. But, 
though himself benevolent, he had the weakness to 
be overruled, in his conduct, by men of merciless 
character; and, in some instances, as we have seen, 
to become even the instrument of their cruelty. 

Connected with the history of iEmilius, we have 


* See the note of Mr. Wrangham, in hi* edition of Langhome's Plutarch. 



TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 163 

had to contemplate one of those reverses of fortune, 
to which, more particularly, in the unsettled state of 
governments at this period, the great were subject. 
Perseus, the king of Macedon, died in captivity: 
one of his sons earned his living by following the 
trade of a working toyman, and another w r as clerk 
in one of the public offices at Rome. Thus termi¬ 
nated the royal house of Macedon, only one hundred 
and sixty years after the death of Alexander the 
Great; the man, for wdiose ambition the whole earth 
seemed not to afford a space sufficiently ample. 
Let us not, however, forget that, even in the seve¬ 
rity of punishment, inflicted upon Perseus, the dis¬ 
pensations of Providence were strongly manifested. 
H is dreadful crimes, particularly his numerous 
murders, were now visited upon himself; and what¬ 
ever he may have suffered, in the deprivation of his 
kingdom, or even in the miseries of his dungeon, his 
conscience must have convinced him that his punish¬ 
ment, at least, was equitable. 

Authorities.— Plutarch, Livy , and Diodorus Siculus. 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 

A Roman tribune , who was slain in a popular commotion , the 
consequence of his having attempted to effect an equalization of 
property , throughout the republic. 

He died in the year G21 of Rome , and 133 years before the birth 
of Christ. 

The Gracchi, as they are usually styled, were bro¬ 
thers, sons of Sempronius Gracchus, who was 
honoured with the censorship, and twice with the 
consulate. Their mother w r as Cornelia, the daughter 
of Scipio Africanus, a woman of powerful mind and 



166 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 


extraordinary accomplishments. At the death of her 
husband, she was left with twelve children, towards 
whom, according to Roman sentiments, she perform¬ 
ed her duty in the most exemplary manner. On 
their education she bestowed every possible care; 
and so anxiously desirous was she to give them her 
undivided attention, that, when Ptolemy, king of 
Egypt, offered to her his hand in marriage, and thus 
proposed to make her the partner in his throne, she 
unhesitatingly refused him. 

Her affection, however, experienced many severe 
trials. Nine of her children died in their childhood 
or youth. She survived even her two remaining 
sons, Tiberius and Caius; and had to witness, in the 
affliction which they brought upon themselves, upon 
their family, and upon the Roman republic, a series 
of the most dreadful calamities. 

During their early years, these sons were justly 
esteemed for their accomplishments and exemplary 
conduct. They were alike brave, temperate, liberal, 
and eloquent; but, in other respects, they exhibited 
considerable dissimilarity of character. Tiberius 
was diffident, mild, and deliberate. Caius was ani¬ 
mated, vehement, and difficult of control. Each 
was distinguished for eloquence; but, in this respect 
also, they differed much from each other. Tiberius, 
in his public harangues, exhibited great modesty of 
action; but Caius moved vehemently from one side 
of the rostrum to the other, threw his gown over his 
shoulder, and spoke in the most empassioned manner. 
The eloquence of Tiberius was chiefly calculated to 
excite pity, and that of Caius to inspire terror. 
They likewise differed much in their habits and 
manner of living. Tiberius was plain and frugal; 
and Caius, though temperate, in comparison with 
other Romans, was a prodigal and an epicure 
when compared with his brother. 

It was remarkable of Caius, in his public speaking, 
that, when he was borne away by the vehemence of 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 


167 


his passion, he would strain his voice beyond its 
natural pitch, utter abusive expressions, and disorder 
his whole frame. Conscious of this, he adopted an 
extraordinary mode of guarding against it. He 
stationed, among the auditors, one of his servants, 
who blew 7 softly a small ivory flute, whenever he 
heard his master elevating his voice, and becoming 
too much animated in the debate. The sound of 
this instrument served as an indication for the orator 
to moderate both his tone and his gestures. Some 
writers have absurdly stated that a flute-player stood 
behind him, for the purpose of animating his elo¬ 
quence, by playing quick and lively tunes, and of 
repressing it by soft and plaintive airs. Cicero 
asserts that the man, as occasion required, breathed 
a note to rouse him if languid, or to moderate him 
if he was speaking too harshly. 

Tiberius Gracchus was nearly nine years older 
than Cains, and consequently became much earlier 
immersed in politics and public business. He had 
acquired an extraordinary degree of reputation, even 
before he had attained the age of manhood ; and he 
was very early admitted into the college of Augurs. 
Whilst he was in this situation, Appius Claudius, the 
president of the senate, gave to him his daughter in 
marriage. 

In conformity to the Roman custom, he passed 
his youth in the military service. He had a com¬ 
mand in Africa, under the younger Scipio, who had 
married his sister; and, at the siege of Carthage, he 
is stated to have been the first who scaled the walls 
of that city. Few men were more esteemed for 
correctness of conduct, and few were more beloved 
than he. 

In the year of the city 615, he was appointed to 
the office of quaestor ; and he served under the con¬ 
sul Caius Hostilius Mancinus, in the Numantian war. 
Mancinus, though not devoid of courage, was an 
unsuccessful general; and, in this war, he expe- 


168 TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS* 

rienced some severe reverses. But Tiberius obtain¬ 
ed distinction by bis conduct, his bravery, and his 
talents. The Numantians compelled the Roman 
army to retreat, cut off great numbers of the troops, 
and surrounded the remainder of them among rocks 
and impenetrable valleys. Mancinus sent an herald 
to sue for peace; but the Numantians would treat 
with no one except Tiberius. They were well ac¬ 
quainted with his character; and they entertained a 
high respect for the memory of his father, who, in a 
former instance, after having defeated them, had 
granted to them favourable terms of peace. 

The good faith which Tiberius exhibited in this 
treaty, subsequently proved of great personal im¬ 
portance to him. The Romans, having hastily 
retired from their camp, the . Numantians entered 
and pillaged it; and, among other articles, they car¬ 
ried off the books and papers relative to his quaestor- 
ship. As the loss of these would have proved of 
irreparable injury to him, he determined to return to 
Numantia, and attempt the recovery of them. On 
his arrival there, the Numantian magistrates declared 
themselves highly gratified in having an opportunity 
to oblige him. They treated him with the utmost 
kindness, restored to him his books, and offered to 
him the choice of whatever he would accept from 
the spoils they had taken. He, however, would re¬ 
ceive nothing except a small quantity of frankincense, 
to be used in the public sacrifices. 

On his return to Rome, the conduct of Tiberius 
was highly applauded by the populace; but the 
senators refused to ratify the terms of the negocia- 
tion, which they considered disgraceful to the Roman 
character. 

Incensed against the senate, and flattered by the 
favourable opinion of the people, Tiberius, from this 
time, appears to have invariably opposed the one, 
and sought to gratify the wishes of the other. In 
passing through Etruria, on his way to Spain, hav- 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 


169 


ing observed many parts of the country to be, as 
Plutarch states, destitute of population, except a 
few husbandmen or shepherds, the slaves of great 
landholders, he resolved to turn this circumstance to 
advantage, in endeavouring to effect an equalization 
of property; and he could not possibly have adopted 
any plan which was more effectually calculated to 
elevate him in the estimation of the poor, than that 
of procuring a distribution among them of the pro¬ 
perty of the rich. 

Being appointed one of the tribunes of the people , 
he communicated his project to Crassus the chief 
pontiff', Mutius Scaevola-the lawyer, at that time also 
consul, and Appius Claudius the father-in-law of 
Tiberius ; and obtained their approbation of it. A 
complete equalization of property, he was aware, 
would be altogether impracticable. He consequent¬ 
ly began by proposing only to limit the estates of 
the great, and not altogether to divide them. He under¬ 
took to revive what was called the Agrarian law ; a law 
which had been enacted about two hundred and forty 
years before, but which had fallen into the disuse 
which its absurdity and injustice deserved. By this 
law, no Roman was to possess more than a limited 
portion of land, which, reduced to English measure, 
would be about three hundred acres; a hundred 
head of the larger cattle, and five hundred head of 
lesser cattle. Tiberius proposed, in a general 
assembly, the renewal of this law; and proposed to 
divide the surplus of the great estates among the 
people. 

His scheme was, of course, received by the popu¬ 
lace with great applause; and the speech by which 
he supported it is well deserving of attention: “ The 
“ savage beasts (he said) have their dens, their 
‘‘places of repose and refuge; but the men who 
“have borne arms, and who have exposed their lives 
“ for the safety of their country, enjoy nothing in it, 
“ but .the air and the light. They have no houses 

i 


170 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 


“ nor settlements; they are constrained to wander” 
“ from place to place, with their wives and children; 
“ and the generals do but mock them, when, at the 
“ head of their armies, they exhort the men to fight 
“ for their temples and their altars. For, among so 
“ many Romans, none is possessed of either altar or 
“ monument; none has a house of his own, nor seat 
“ of his ancestors to defend. The private soldiers 
“ fight and die, to increase the wealth and the luxury 
“ of the great; and those are, insultingly, called 
“ masters of the world, who have not a foot of 
“ ground for their possession.” An harangue, like 
this, spoken to a tumultuous populace, (and it must 
be recollected that the multitude which he addressed 
were all obliged to be soldiers if their country re¬ 
quired their service,) naturally inflamed their minds. 
They were eagerly desirous of having the bill passed 
into a law. So daring an attack upon property, not 
the senate only, but even Marcus Octavius, one of 
the tribunes, strenuously opposed. To the latter, 
Tiberius offered a full indemnity, for any loss he 
might personally sustain, if he would desist from 
opposition, but to no purpose; and, enraged at the 
conduct of his colleague, he became more obstinate 
in his resolutions, and more violent in his proceed¬ 
ings than before. He proposed that the landholders 
should absolutely cede the excess of their posses¬ 
sions, beyond the number of acres already mentioned. 
The populace assembled, from all quarters, to vote 
for the passing of so agreeable a law; and, to 
remove the opposition of his colleague, Tiberius 
found means to have him deprived of his office. 
The law was passed ; for the chief power was vested 
in the people, and the senate could not prevent them 
from sanctioning any favourite measure, how injuri¬ 
ous soever it might prove to the state. Tiberius, 
his brother Caius, and Appius Claudius, were ap¬ 
pointed commissioners for carrying it into effect.. 
Some writers assert that Tiberius Was * roused 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 171 

into his proceedings respecting the Agrarian law, by 
placards and writings upon the walls of the city, 
calling upon him to restore, to the plebeians, their 
share of the public lands : others, that he was insti¬ 
gated to them by the ambition of his mother, who 
frequently declared to her sons that she was called 
“ the mother-in-law of Scipio, and not the mother of 
** the Gracchi;” but, when all the circumstances of 
his history are duly considered, it will appear that he 
adopted them chiefly through a desire of attaining 
eminence in the state. 

Tiberius was now at the height of his power. For 
a few months he enjoyed almost sovereign authority; 
but so much alarm was excited among the possessors 
of property, that confusion reigned through every 
department of the state, and in every province of the 
country. In vain did he assert that he had demand¬ 
ed of them nothing inequitable. It was not easy to 
convince the rich that any proceedings could be 
equitable, which should forcibly take from them 
their possessions; which should strip them of their 
houses, their lands, their inheritances, and the bu¬ 
rial-places of their ancestors ; which should deprive 
their wives and their children of the estates which 
the law, as it had previously stood, had allowed to 
be settled upon them. In every possible way they 
opposed the proceedings of the commissioners, and, 
at length, they excited so much clamour, that Tibe¬ 
rius either was, or affected to be, in danger of losing 
his life. He put on mourning, and, leading his wife 
and children into the forum, he recommended them 
to the protection of the people, while he declared 
himself ready to give up his own life to the service 
of the public. 

About this time, Attalus, king of Pergamus, dying 
without children, bequeathed his whole property to 
the Roman people: this Tiberius immediately or¬ 
dered to be seized and divided among the poor, for 
the purchase of agricultural and other implements. 

i 2 


172 TIBERIUS SEMPllONIUS GRACCHUS. 

The majority of the senators alleged that, by all 
these proceedings, he was merely seeking to obtain 
popularity, for the purpose of elevating his family to 
the highest dignities of the state: that he was desi¬ 
rous of raising his father-in-law to the consulate, 
his brother to the tribuneship, and of himself con¬ 
tinuing in his office beyond the legal time. Some, of 
them asserted that he countenanced, and associated 
with, even the meanest of the people, for the pur¬ 
pose of obtaining aid in elevating himself to the 
regal dignity. But what first tended to turn the 
scale of popular favour against him, was an accusa¬ 
tion that, by the unjustifiable mode in which he had 
caused Octavius to be deprived of the tribuneship, 
lie had robbed that important office both of its se¬ 
curity and its dignity. 

The friends of the nobility exerted all their efforts 
to counteract, in the minds of the people, the influ¬ 
ence which Tiberius had obtained; and, on the other 
hand, Tiberius, as the only means of securing him¬ 
self in power, proposed several additional laws in 
favour of the people. 

He now either was, or pretended to be, fearful lest 
his enemies should attack his house. With tears in 
his eyes, and with every indication of deep distress, 
he stated his alarm to the populace; and a great 
number of them erected tents before it, and guarded 
him through the night. On the ensuing morning, 
several circumstances occurred which the Roman 
historians say foreboded that some evil would befall 
him. On going to the capitol, he stumbled at the 
threshold of his house, and struck his foot with so 
much violence, that blood gushed from the wound: 
as he was proceeding, he observed, towards his left, 
two ravens fighting on the top of a house, one of 
which threw down a stone, that fell close to his foot. 
Although these omens are believed to have operated 
strongly on his mind, he proceeded to the capitol, 
where he was received, by his friends, with loud and 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 


173 


continued acclamations; and, by his enemies, vvitli 
tremendous shouts and hootings of disapprobation. 

One of the senators, whose name was Flaccus, 
knowing that, amidst the uproar, it was impossible he 
could be heard, ascended an eminence, and made a 
signal to Tiberius that he had something of impor¬ 
tance to communicate to him. Tiberius having 
ordered the people to make way, Flaccus approached 
him, and stated that several wealthy Romans had 
armed their adherents, with the intention of assassi¬ 
nating him. No sooner was this intellgience com¬ 
municated to the persons immediately around, than 
they seized the halberts of the men who were 
stationed to keep off' the crowd. These they broke, 
and distributed among the friends of Tiberius, for 
the purpose of defending him against any assault 
that might be made. The distant persons of the 
crowd, surprised at so extraordinary an occurrence, 
called aloud to know what was the reason of it; and 
Tiberius having, in vain, endeavoured to make him¬ 
self heard, put his hand to his head, to indicate the 
danger with which he was threatened. His enemies, 
on seeing this, ran to the senate, and informed them 
that Tiberius had demanded a crown; and alleged 
his gesture in proof of the fact. A dreadful com¬ 
motion ensued, in which many persons were killed. 
Tiberius endeavoured to escape; but, in his flight, 
he stumbled over the bodies of the slain. As he 
was recovering himself, Publius Satureius, one of his 
colleagues in the tribuneship, struck him on the 
head, with the leg of a stool; a second and fatal 
blow was given to him by Lucius Rufus, who after¬ 
wards prided himself upon it, as one of the most 
glorious exploits of his life. 

Such is the account of his death, that has been 
given by Plutarch. Other writers assert that he 
was slain on the spot where he had been standing; 
and others that the massacre began in the fo¬ 
rum, and that Tiberius fled thence to the capitol. 


174 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


Paterculus says that Scipio Nasica, having ascended 
the highest steps of the capital, called aloud on all who 
regarded the safety of the commonwealth, to follow 
him in an attack on Tiberius; that, immediately, the 
chief of the nobility, the senate, and most of the men 
of equestrian rank, as well as such of the plebeians 
as had not been infected with the pernicious designs 
of the Gracchi, rushed together against Tiberius, 
who, with some bands of his partisans, was standing 
in the court; that he betook himself to flight, but 
that, as he was running down the slope of the capi¬ 
tol, he was struck to the ground with a piece of a 
broken bench. 

Thus terminated the career of Tiberius Gracchus, 
at the early age of thirty years. His triumph had 
been short, for he was killed on the very day that 
his adherents were about to continue him in the tri- 
buneship for a second year; and the commotion in 
which he fell, was the most important of any that 
had taken place in Rome since the expulsion of the 
kings. 

Authorities.— Plutarch , Appian , and Paterculus. 


CAIUS GRACCHUS . 


A Roman tribune who, for a short time, enjoyed great power, by 
heading the populace against the nobility ; and who, with about 
three thousand other persons, was slain during an insurrec¬ 
tion, in the year 632 of the city, and 123 years before the 
birth of Christ. 


The contentions between the nobility and the people 
did not terminate with the death of Tiberius Grac¬ 
chus. For some time afterwards his brother Caius 



CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


175 


lived chiefly in retirement; but whenever an oppor¬ 
tunity occurred in which he could, with safety, 
attack the nobility, and lower them in the estimation 
of the people, he did so. 

In the year of the city 627 , and about seven 
years after the death of his brother, he was appointed 
to attend the consul Aurelius Orestes into Sardinia , 
in the capacity of quaestor. This appointment gave 
much satisfaction to his enemies, as they imagined he 
would thus be prevented from heading the populace 
against them.. He was not much displeased at it 
himself; for he was not only gratified by having an 
appointment in the army, but he was glad to be ex¬ 
cused from taking any part in the administration, at 
a time when he knew he should be personally ex¬ 
posed to the most imminent danger. 

Some writers have imagined that Caius Gracchus 
was desirous of altogether avoiding the course which 
his brother had pursued. Cicero says that he was 
anxious to live in retirement, but that many per¬ 
sons believed he had been roused to action, by a 
dream, in which his brother had appeared to him 
and exclaimed: “Caius, why lingerest thou? There 
“ is no alternative. The Fates have decreed to us 
“ the same life and the same death, in asserting and 
“ vindicating the rights of the people.” 

His employment in Sardinia gave him an oppor¬ 
tunity of acquiring great popularity among the 
Roman soldiers. During a severe and sickly win¬ 
ter, they were much in want of clothing and provi¬ 
sions. The consul applied, but in vain, to such of 
the cities as had continued faithful to the Romans. 
Gracchus, who was both eloquent and enterprising, 
went to these cities, and prevailed with them to fur¬ 
nish the troops with clothes; and he obtained, from 
Micipsa, king of Numidia, a supply of corn. The 
senate would have been delighted with so important a 
service, had it been obtained by any other person. 
But, in Caius Gracchus, they imagined that it would 


176 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


be a prelude to his obtaining an undue degree of 
favour among the soldiers. To counteract this, they 
sent fresh troops to the island, and recalled the great¬ 
est number of those who had thus been benefited. 
Gracchus, well aware of the cause of the change, 
and greatly offended at it, immediately embarked 
from Sardinia; and, most unexpectedly, made his 
appearance in Rome. 

His enemies, of course, censured his conduct for 
so doing; and even the Roman populace were in¬ 
clined to consider it very extraordinary that the 
quaestor should presume to return before his general. 
He was accused before the censors, for a conduct 
which was so irregular. In his defence, however, he 
convinced the people that he had been deeply in-* 
jured, by the charges which his enemies had made 
against him. “ In the government of Sardinia (said 
“ he) I have invariably conducted myself, not as 
“ consulting my own ambition, but your interest. I 
“ have now served in twelve campaigns; and, as 
“ quaestor, I have attended my general three years, 
“ although the law would have allowed me to return 
“ at the end of one. I have not sought to enrich 
“ myself. Others have carried out casks full of 
“ wine, and have brought them home filled with gold. 
“ I am almost the only man who have gone out with 
“ a full purse, and returned with an empty one.” He 
was subsequently accused of having excited disaf¬ 
fection among the allies of the Romans, and, in par¬ 
ticular, of having been concerned, with the inhabi¬ 
tants of Fregellae, a city of Latium, in a conspiracy 
against the Roman government; but he was acquit¬ 
ted. 

The failure of his opponents in substantiating his 
guilt, tended to elevate him in the estimation of the 
people; so that, on subsequently offering himself a 
candidate for the tribuneship, he succeeded in the 
election, although nearly the whole body of patri¬ 
cians was united to oppose him. It is stated that, 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


1 77 


on this occasion, the multitudes which assembled to 
vote for him were so great, that the Campus Martius 
could not contain them; and that many of them gave 
their votes, by acclamation, from the tops of the ad¬ 
jacent houses. 

As tribune he endeavoured to follow the steps of 
his brother. In his public orations he incessantly 
reminded the people of the fatal occurrence by 
which they had been deprived of so eloquent 
a leader; and he occasioned several laws to be 
passed, which had a tendency to increase the au¬ 
thority of the people, and to lessen that of the senate. 
Among others, was one which took from the senate 
the power of acting as judges, and vested this power 
in three hundred knights. Another law ordained 
that, every month, a certain quantity of corn should 
be distributed to each citizen, at a very low price. 
He also procured decrees for sending out colonies, 
and dividing the public lands among the poor ; for 
making roads, and building public granaries; and 
for clothing the army at the public expence, which 
had not before been done. 

In matters not connected with the government, 
Cains Gracchus undoubtedly effected many useful 
works. In particular, he extremely benefited the 
country by the improvement of the public roads. 
These he caused to be conducted, in straight lines, 
through the country, and to be either paved with 
hewn stone, or covered with a hard and binding sand. 
He filled up the narrow valleys, or formed bridges 
across them. He also occasioned all the roads to be 
measured, and he set up pillars of stone to mark the 
distances. 

So great was, at this time, his ascendency over the 
people, that only the regal title seemed wanting, to 
his being their sovereign. So much were they 
pleased with the regulations which he introduced, 
that they would not have refused him any favour he 
chose to ask. He did not declare himself a candi- 

i 3 


178 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


date for the office, and they almost unanimously 
though illegally, chose him tribune for the second 
year. 

The senate, fearful lest his power might become 
uncontrolable, adopted a very extraordinary mode 
of seducing the people from him; a mode which, 
in the end, succeeded even beyond their expecta¬ 
tions. They resolved to load the people with fa¬ 
vours. In the contests which took place, personal 
interests and animosity alone seemed to actuate all 
parties : the true interests of the state, and the hap¬ 
piness of the country, were wholly neglected. Fac¬ 
tion was set against faction. The senate engaged in 
their cause Livius Drusus, another of the tribunes; 
and, in nearly every instance, where Gracchus pro¬ 
posed a favour to the people, Drusus had directions 
to propose an increase or an extension of it. For 
instance, Gracchus proposed to establish two colo¬ 
nies, which should be peopled by some of the most 
deserving citizens: Drusus, in opposition to him, 
obtained a decree for twelve colonies, each to con¬ 
sist of three hundred of the lowest persons in the 
state. This tended strongly to turn the tide of po¬ 
pular feeling against the former favourite: it was 
supported by the whole mass of the people, for each 
hoped to derive an advantage from it. Gracchus 
had caused the public lands to be divided among the 
poorer classes, on condition that they should each 
pay, into the treasury, a small rent for them; but 
Drusus occasioned them to be discharged even from 
that payment. 

With so much apparent disregard to his own in¬ 
terests, or to any desire of personal aggrandizement, 
or any wish of obtaining personal influence wdth the 
people, did Drusus act, that he would not allow him¬ 
self, as Gracchus had done, to be appointed a com¬ 
missioner for executing any of the laws which he 
proposed. In pecuniary affairs, particularly, he 
would have no personal concern; whereas Gracchus, 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 179 

in all the most important affairs of the state, chose 
to place himself at the head. 

With great apparent disinterestedness, he pro¬ 
posed that Gracchus should be nominated one of 
three commissioners for the rebuilding of Carthage, 
and settling a Roman colony there. But it was an 
object of considerable importance with Drusus and 
his party, to obtain the removal of their opponent 
from Rome. Gracchus accepted the commission; 
and, during his absence, his enemies unremittingly 
employed themselves in working his destruction. 

On his return, about ten weeks afterwards, he 
found that Drusus had engrossed the affection of the 
plebeians. Gracchus now solicited their favour by 
means that were more servile than any which he had 
before adopted. He left the mansion of his ances¬ 
tors, and took a little lodging in the most populous 
part of the city, that he might be in the midst of his 
partisans. Scaffolds had been erected in the public 
forum, for the purpose of more conveniently viewing 
the exhibition of the gladiators. These, he pretend¬ 
ed, were injurious to the common people, who were 
unable to pay for the hire of places upon them; and 
he consequently ordered them to be pulled down. 

His colleagues in office were so much offended by 
his conduct respecting these scaffolds, and by the 
violent manner in which, of late, he had attempted 
to carry all his measures, that, when the election of 
the new tribunes took place, the old ones, whose 
business it was to collect the votes, contrived to have 
him excluded. Gracchus bore his disappointment 
with excessive impatience; and, in all the subsequent 
public debates, he was more clamorous than ever. 

In the year 632, Lucius Opimius was elected con¬ 
sul. He had an inveterate dislike to Gracchus, and 
obtained a repeal of many of those laws which 
Gracchus had proposed. In this procedure his de¬ 
sign was to provoke his opponent to some act of vio¬ 
lence, and thus obtain a pretext for destroying him; 


180 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


and he succeeded. A commotion was excited by a 
virulent speech of Gracchus, and, in the tumult 
which ensued, one of the lictors of Opimius was 
killed. The senate, on an allegation that the state 
was in danger, armed the consul with absolute power 
to protect the commonwealth from injury. Grac¬ 
chus, sincerely grieved at the death of the lictor, re¬ 
proached his adherents for their imprudence. He 
was anxiously desirous to make every possible repa¬ 
ration for the injury, but Opimius would admit of 
none. On the contrary, he assembled the senate, for 
the purpose of publicly discussing the subject; and, 
whilst he was in the act of addressing them, the body 
of the lictor was brought, with loud shouts, through 
the forum, to the senate-house. There can be no 
doubt that Opimius had been well acquainted with 
the intention of his party thus to exhibit the body; 
but he pretended to be much surprised at seeing it. 
The senate went out, and, placing themselves around 
it, expressed their grieT in terms so strong, that it 
might have been imagined some dreadful calamity 
had befallen the state. This was evidently a ma¬ 
noeuvre, intended to rouse the indignation of those 
who had not been immediately concerned in the 
affray. 

On the other hand, Gracchus, in passing from the 
forum, stopped before the statue of his father, and 
stood there weeping. The populace, seeing him thus 
affected, exclaimed that they never would abandon 
so estimable a man to the fury of his enemies. A 
considerable number of them accompanied him 
home, and guarded his house through the night. In 
the morning he again went to the forum, though his 
wife entreated that he would not expose himself to 
the danger with which he was threatened. She even 
caught hold of his robe, with the intention of detain¬ 
ing him; but he forced himself away, and left her 
speechless upon the ground. 

Tumult and confusion now raged through ev&sp* 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


181 


part of the city. The consular troops were drawn up, 
by order of the senate; and the partisans of Gracchus 
armed themselves, and prepared for a dreadful en¬ 
counter. The former, headed by the consul, occu¬ 
pied the capital; and the others posted themselves 
on Mount Aventine. Opimius commenced the en¬ 
gagement, by approaching the mount and ordering a 
body of Cretan archers to discharge their arrows 
among the multitude. The battle became general; 
but it was soon terminated by a proclamation of the 
consul, offering a free pardon to such of the adherents 
of Gracchus as should desert him; and a reward of 
their weight in gold, for the heads of Gracchus and 
his friend Marcus Fulvius. The majority of the 
populace, induced either by fears for their personal 
safety, or by hopes of the promised reward, ceased 
from further contention. The friends of Gracchus 
advised him to seek for safety in flight. He did so, 
but was closely pursued into a grove sacred to the 
Furies, where he was slain. 

His head was brought to the consul by Lucius 
Septimuleius. This man, formerly one of his most 
zealous adherents, had snatched it from the hands of 
the soldier who had cut it off. On being put into 
the scales to be weighed, it was ascertained that, for 
the purpose of enhancing his reward, Septimuleius 
had taken out the brain, and had filled the cavity 
with melted lead. 

In this affray, and in the executions which after¬ 
wards took place, more than three thousand persons 
lost their lives. The bodies of most of them were 
thrown into the Tiber; and their relations were for¬ 
bidden to wear mourning for them. 

Caius Gracchus perished about ten years after the 
death of his brother. With him expired the Agra¬ 
rian law; and most of the laws proposed by the 
Gracchi were subsequently repealed. In the ensu¬ 
ing year, Opimius was accused, before the people, by 
*the tribune Publius Duilius, for having put to death 


182 


CAIUS GRACCHUS. 


a great number of Roman citizens, without observ¬ 
ing the requisite forms of justice; but he was ac¬ 
quitted, in consequence, it is imagined, of the elo¬ 
quence of the consul Papirius Carbo, who undertook 
his defence. 

The people afterwards consecrated the places 
where the Gracchi had fallen, and erected statues to 
their memory, in one of the most public parts of the 
city. Some persons are said to have even sacrificed 
and paid devotions to them as gods. To the me¬ 
mory of Cornelia, their mother, who survived them, 
and who sustained her affliction with great magna¬ 
nimity, the Romans erected a statue, with this sim¬ 
ple inscription: “ Cornelia, the' mother of the 
“ Gracchi.” 

The Roman history, of this period, affords an in¬ 
structive lesson to all nations. Until the times of 
the Gracchi, its party struggles, and the almost in¬ 
cessant disunion which prevailed betwixt the higher 
and lower classes, caused great unhappiness; but 
they had not been attended by much bloodshed. 
But civil discord now occasioned the most fatal con¬ 
tentions. These did not cease with the death of the 
persons who had excited them; but they more or less 
prevailed until the total overthrow of a government, 
which has been boasted, by some writers, the most 
perfect that ever existed. 


Authorities.— Plutarch , Appian , and Paterculus. 


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183 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


A Roman general of obscure birth and harsh and unprincipled 
character ; who was seven times consul , and remarkable for his 
military enterprises in Africa , and against the Teutones and 
Cimbri. 

He died in the year GG7 of Rome , and 67 years before the Chris¬ 
tian era. 


Few of the Roman generals have been more cele¬ 
brated for military talent, and for all the harsher 
qualifications of a soldier ; few have been more im¬ 
perious, untractable, and vindictive, than Caius 
Marius. 

His parents resided at Arpinum, a town of the 
Volsci, and were in such indigent circumstances, that 
Marius himself, when a youth, laboured for hire as a 
ploughman. An agricultural life, however, was ill 
suited to his disposition: he consequently entered 
the army as a common soldier; and, in one instance, 
underwent a disgraceful punishment, for working 
lazily with his axe, in fortifying the camp.” 

He served under Scipio Africanus the younger, at 
Numantia; and, before the termination of his first 
campaign, he exhibited so much ardour, courage, 
and attention to military discipline, that he was not 
only promoted from the ranks, but was admitted 
into the esteem and confidence of his general. The 
high opinion which Scipio entertained of him, may 
be understood from the following anecdote. One 
day, at table, the conversation happening to turn on 
the subject of great commanders, an officer in com¬ 
pany, intending probably to compliment Scipio, 
asked “ where the Romans would find such another 
“ general when he was gone?” Scipio put his hand 
on the shoulder of Marius, who sate next him, and 
replied: “ Here, perhaps.” 



184 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


This reply roused the hopes of Marius to the at¬ 
tainment of the highest honours. He, shortly after¬ 
wards, went to Rome , and, aided by the influence of 
the consul, Csecilius Metellus, on whose house he 
had an hereditary dependance, he was elected a 
tribune of the people . In this office one of his first 
proceedings was to propose a law for the prevention 
of bribery in the election of magistrates. Great 
offence was given to the patricians by this law; and, 
although it was passed, Lucius Aurelius Cotta, one 
of the consuls, obtained a decree by which Marius 
was cited to give an account of his conduct in having 
promoted it. When he appeared before the senate, 
for the purpose of justifying himself, he exhibited 
none of the embarrassment of a young man; he 
resolutely declared that, if the decree w ere not re¬ 
voked, Cotta should be committed to prison. The 
latter, turning to Metellus, asked his opinion. Me¬ 
tellus rose and voted with his colleague. On this, 
Marius instantly ordered a lictor to take him into 
custody. The prisoner appealed to the other tri¬ 
bunes ; but none of them would give him any assist¬ 
ance, and the decree was repealed. Elated with his 
victory, Marius went immediately from the senate to 
the forum, and had his law confirmed by the people. 

This conduct showed him to be a man of inflexible 
resolution; and the generality of the Romans were 
inclined to consider that he would prove a bold as- 
serter of the privileges of the people, against the 
power of the senate. But their opinion was soon 
changed; for a law having been proposed concern¬ 
ing the distribution of corn, he, in this instance, as 
strenuously opposed the populace, as, in the former, 
he had opposed the senate. By such apparent inde¬ 
pendence of spirit, however, he, in some degree, ob¬ 
tained the esteem of both; as a man whom they con¬ 
sidered to be incapable of serving either, when his 
so doing would be injurious to the public good. 

At the termination of his tribuneship, Marius be- 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


185 


came a candidate for the office of aedile, but was re¬ 
jected. Not long afterwards he offered himself for 
the prcetors/iip , and, with some difficulty, succeeded. 
Notwithstanding the law which he had himself 
proposed, he was accused of bribery, in obtaining 
a majority of votes on this occasion; but he was ac¬ 
quitted, in consequence of half the judges being 
against him, and half in his favour. 

Some time after this, Marius had the government 
of part o £ Spain ; and the principal service recorded 
of him there, was his having cleared all the adjacent 
country of robbers. On his return to Rome, he was 
desirous of obtaining a share in the administration; 
but, having neither wealth nor eloquence to recom¬ 
mend him, be was unable to rise so rapidly as he 
wished. His resolute spirit, his indefatigable indus¬ 
try, and his plain and unostentatious mode of living, 
obtained for him, however, the favour of the popu¬ 
lace, and gradually elevated him into power. His 
fame, at length, became so well established, that he 
was considered worthy of alliance with the Caesars, 
and married into that illustrious family. 

Metellus having received the chief command of 
an army appointed to act against Jugurtha, in Nu- 
midia , took Marius with him, as one of his lieute¬ 
nants. Here the subject of our memoir adopted 
every possible means of increasing his fame. He 
never declined the most difficult services, nor ever 
refused to submit to even the most servile conduct, 
when such was likely to promote his views. By 
cheerfully enduring hardships, and by rivalling even 
the common soldiers in abstemiousness and labour, 
he gained their affections. His fame and influence 
gradually extended through the army, and even to 
Rome. Many of the officers wrote to their friends 
in Rome, to state that the only means of successfully 
terminating the war, would be to elect Marius con¬ 
sul. Towards Metellus he exhibited the most con- 


186 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


summate ingratitude, and an inveteracy of hatred 
which has not often been exceeded. 

After much urgent solicitation, he obtained per¬ 
mission to return to Rome; and there, by adducing 
false charges against his commander, and by pledg¬ 
ing himself to the people that, if he had the chief 
command in Africa, he would either kill Jugurtha, or 
bring him alive into Italy, he induced them to elect 
him consul. No sooner was this office conferred 
upon him, than he proceeded, by the most illegal 
and obnoxious means, to increase the army. With 
regard to the consulship, he boasted that he “ had 
“ taken it as a prey, from the men of rank;” and, 
the more effectually to ingratiate himself in the 
minds of the populace, he omitted no opportunity of 
flattering their prejudices, and vilifying the character 
of the nobility. 

The command in Africa was given to him, at a 
time when Metellus had so nearly terminated the 
war, that nothing remained to be done, but to take 
the person of Jugurtha. Metellus was overcome 
with grief and resentment, to be, at such a moment, 
superseded, and by an inveterate foe, who had as¬ 
sumed the command, for the purpose only of snatch¬ 
ing from him, both his victory and his triumph. 
But, in the conclusion of the war, this ambitious and 
unprincipled commander was, in his turn, disap¬ 
pointed; for Bocchus, the king of Mauritania, con¬ 
trived to surrender Jugurtha into the hands of Sylla, 
the Roman quaestor; and thus to rob Marius of the 
chief glory of his exploits. 

In the year of the city 648, the Roman territories 
w r ere approached by an overwhelming force of 
Teutones and Cimbri, from the north. The strength 
of their armies was estimated at three hundred 
thousand warriors. The danger was so great, and 
the conduct of Marius had been so obnoxious, that 
no person of noble or opulent family would offer 
himself for the consulship; consequently Marius, 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


187 


though absent, was elected a second time consul. He, 
soon afterwards, returned, with his army, from 
Africa; and, on the same day, entered on his con¬ 
sulship, and was honoured with a triumph. Jugur- 
tha, now a captive, was exhibited to the Romans in 
this triumph, as a public spectacle; and, according 
to the common report, there were carried in it more 
than three thousand pounds weight of gold, five 
thousand seven hundred and seventy-five pounds of 
silver bullion, and seventeen thousand and twenty- 
eight drachmas in silver coin. 

When the solemnity of the triumph was ended, 
Marius assembled the senate in the capitol. Here, 
either through inadvertence or insolence, he entered 
in his triumphal robe. But, perceiving that the 
members of the senate were justly offended, by such 
an insult, he retired and put on his ordinary habit. 

His next military employment was against the 
Teutones and Cimbri. To train his soldiers to hard¬ 
ship, he accustomed them to long and tedious 
marches, and compelled every man to carry his own 
baggage, and to provide his own victuals. So in¬ 
flexible was he in enforcing obedience to his direc¬ 
tions in these particulars, that afterwards the proverb 
of “ Marius’s mules,” was applied to such laborious 
people, as executed readily and without murmuring, 
the orders that were given to them. 

The enemy, happily for Marius, had turned their 
course, from Italy, towards Spain. Hence he had 
time to strengthen his army, by exercising his men, 
and exciting and confirming their courage. His 
popularity was now at its utmost height; and he 
was once more elected consul. 

He proceeded towards the mouth of the river 
Rhone, where he encamped his army; and, having 
fortified his camp, he conveyed into it an immense 
supply of provisions. For the purpose of more 
conveniently receiving these, he caused an extensive 
canal to be made, communicating betwixt the river 


188 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


and the sea. One division of the barbarians march¬ 
ed, through Liguria, along the sea-coast, to reach 
Marius. They pushed forward with so much ra¬ 
pidity, that they soon traversed the intermediate 
country; and presented, to the view of the Romans, 
an incredible number of men, terrible in their aspect, 
in their voice, and shouts of war. They spread 
themselves over a vast extent of ground, near the 
place where Marius was encamped, and then challenged 
him to battle. 

The Roman soldiers were anxious for the combat; 
but Marius rebuked them for their rashness, and 
resolutely insisted that they should keep within 
their trenches. He made the soldiers mount guard 
by turns, upon the ramparts, for the purpose of ac¬ 
customing them to behold the dreadful looks of the 
enemy, and to hear their savage voices without 
alarm; as well as to make them acquainted with the 
appearance of their weapons, and with their modes 
of using them. It was not, however, without the 
utmost difficulty that he could restrain the impe¬ 
tuosity of his men, and prevent them from engaging 
in a disadvantageous attack on so numerous an 
host. For the purpose of restraining their eager¬ 
ness, he declared that “ he had been directed, by 
“ certain oracles, to wait for an indication both of 
“ the time and place, which were to ensure him the 
“ victory.” He had, in the camp, a Syrian woman, 
who was carried about upon a litter, with great 
solemnity, and who pretended to be a prophetess; 
and this direction was stated to have been given 
by her. 

The enemy became impatient of delay, and, as 
Marius refused to fight, they were determined, if 
possible, to force his entrenchments. They made 
the attempt, but were received with such a shower of 
darts from the camp, that they were repulsed with great 
slaughter. After this, they resolved to pass the Roman 
army, and leave Marius in the rear. They consequent¬ 
ly packed up their baggage, and proceeded on their 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


189 


march. Then it was that the immensity of their 
numbers was first correctly observed. On traversing 
the plain, near the Roman entrenchments, they 
tauntingly asked the men, “ whether they had any 
“ commands to their wives, as they should shortly 
“ be with them?” As soon, however, as the bar- 
barianshadall passed, Marius decamped and followed; 
always keeping near them, and choosing strong 
places for his camp at night: these he regularly 
fortified, that his troops might pass the nights in 
safety. The two armies thus marched nearly to 
the foot of the Alps. Here, Marius, having obtain¬ 
ed a favourable situation and opportunity for attack, 
took advantage of it; and, in a battle which followed, 
great multitudes of the enemy were slain. They 
had, indeed, opposed the Romans with the most 
dreadful fury; and, even at the close of the day, 
myriads of the barbarians seemed still to be left. 
The Romans were inexpressibly terrified, and even 
Marius was not free from apprehension, lest he 
should be attacked, during the night, in a disadvan¬ 
tageous position, and without either trench or ram¬ 
part to defend his army. But the barbarians were 
ignorant of his exposed situation, and, consequently, 
•were unable to take advantage of it. By a skilful 
manoeuvre of Marius, the enemy, on the ensuing 
day, was attacked both in front and rear; and, una¬ 
ble long to oppose this double shock, they broke 
their ranks and fled. The Romans pursued them in 
all directions, and are said to have killed and taken 
prisoners, more than an hundred thousand of them: 
they also obtained possession of their tents, carriages, 
and baggage. 

When the battle was ended, Marius gave direc¬ 
tions that a selection should be made, from among 
the arms and other spoils, of such as were likely to 
make the most brilliant appearance in the procession 
of his triumph. The rest he piled together, for the 
purpose of offering them, a splendid sacrifice to the 


190 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


gods. The Roman soldiers, crowned with laurel, 
were assembled round the pile; and Marius, clad in 
a purple robe, had taken into his hand a lighted 
torch, for the purpose of setting fire to it, when a 
party of Romans were seen galloping towards the 
spot. On their arrival, they leaped from their 
horses, and saluted Marius consul for the ffth time. 
The soldiers expressed their joy by acclamations 
and loudly clanking their arms; and, whilst the 
officers presented him with crowns of laurel, he set 
fire to the pile and completed the sacrifice. 

Not long after this, intelligence was brought to 
Rome, that Catulus, the other consul, had been de¬ 
feated in the Alps, by a detachment of the Cimbri; 
and that, the intervening country being left without 
defence, the enemy had overrun and plundered it in 
various directions. Marius was, consequently, re¬ 
called to Rome; and the senate passed a decree that 
he should be honoured with a triumph. He, how¬ 
ever, for the present declined it, hoping, probably, that, 
after another defeat of the enemy, his triumph might 
be the more splendid. 

As soon as his forces were ready, and he had been 
joined by that part of the army which had been in 
Gaul, he hastened to relieve Catulus. He then 
crossed the river Po, with the intention of preventing 
the barbarians from penetrating into the interior of 
Italy. A little while after his arrival near the camp 
of the Cimbri, Boiorix, the king of that people, 
attended by a small party of horse soldiers, advanced 
in front of his army, and challenged the Romans to 
battle. They did not decline the combat; and, on 
an appointed day, the two armies were drawn up 
opposite to each other. In the hope of being able to 
appropriate to himself the whole honour of the 
victory, Marius ranged his forces in such manner, 
that it was possible the defeat of the enemy might 
be accomplished by the two wings, before Catulus, 
to whom he had given the command of the centre, 


CA1US MARIUS 1 . 


191 


could come up. At the commencement of the battle, 
a prodigious cloud of dust concealed the armies 
from each other. Marius, who first moved to the 
charge, passed the ranks of the Cimbri, and wan¬ 
dered about with his troops, unable to discover his 
foe. Catulus was more successful: in the conflict 
which took place with his legions, the enemy’s com¬ 
mander was slain; and, although the Cimbri were 
infinitely more numerous than the Romans, the 
greatest and best part of their .troops were cut to 
pieces. Notwithstanding the fact of the defeat hav¬ 
ing been chiefly effected by Catulus, Marius, for a 
while, contrived to obtain the whole merit and 
honour of the victory; and, when he returned to the 
capital, he was saluted as “ the third Founder of 
“Rome;” having rescued her from a danger not 
less dreadful than that which she had incurred from 
the Gauls, in the time of Camillus. The populace 
wished to give him the exclusive honour of a 
triumph; but this, he had the honesty to reject, and 
consequently shared it with Catulus. 

After the termination of his fifth consulate, Marius 
aspired to the honour of a sixth, with more ardour 
than most men have shown for a first; and, with a 
view of obtaining it, he courted the favour of the 
people, and endeavoured to ingratiate himself even 
with the meanest of them, by the most servile con¬ 
descensions. For the purpose of ensuring their 
exertions in his favour, he assumed towards them an 
air of gentleness and compliance, which was altoge¬ 
ther unnatural to him; and, in no case, did he 
scruple to make his honesty subservient to his 
ambition. 

By conduct like this, we cannot be surprised that 
he should have rendered himself obnoxious to all the 
patricians; and, towards Metellus, who had always 
shown an honest indignation against such persons 
as by dishonourable arts had sought to gain the 
favour of the people, his conduct was, in particular, 


102 


CA1US MARIUS. 


disgraceful. He left no means untried, by which he 
could prejudice the Romans against this eminent 
general; and he, at length, succeeded in obtaining 
a decree that he should be interdicted the use of 
fire and water, and that no man should admit him 
into his house. This, being a virtual banishment 
from the Roman territory, Metellus retired to the 
island of Rhodes, where he passed most of his time 
in the study of philosophy. 

The whole subsequent conduct of Marius was so 
selfish and so dishonourable, that he gradually ren¬ 
dered himself odious to the plebeians as well as to 
the patricians. At the ensuing election of censors, 
he did not even dare to offer himself a candidate, 
lest he should be rejected. After this, his opponents 
exerted their utmost efforts to effect his disgrace; and 
they at length succeeded in obtaining an edict for 
the recall of Metellus. Marius, unable to endure the 
presence of a man whom he had so deeply injured, 
contrived to make a voyage into Cappadocia and 
Galatia. His pretence for this voyage was the 
fulfilment of a sacred vow; but the real causes of it 
were a desire to be some time absent from Rome, 
and a hope that he might be able to rouse the 
Asiatic kings to a war with the Romans. The 
latter project, however, wholly failed. 

On his return to Rome, he built a house near the 
forum, hoping to have, constantly at his gates, a 
numerous concourse of people; but in this he was 
mistaken. Marius was mortified at the decline of 
his own popularity, but he was not less mortified at 
the increase of that of a man whom he both hated and 
dreaded. Sylla, who has already been mentioned, 
as having acted under Marius, in Africa, was as 
unprincipled, and more artful, than himself. He 
rose, in the administration, chiefly in consequence of 
the envy which the nobles bore to his rival; and, 
after a while, he became so popular, that Bocchus, 
king of Mauritania, now an ally of the Romans, was 


'CAIUS MARIUS. 


193 


induced to erect, in the capitol, some figures of vic¬ 
tory, and to place, by their side, a group of gilded 
statues, which represented him delivering Jugurtha 
into the hands of Sylla. This circumstance rendered 
the fury of Marius almost ungovernable', and its 
consequence would probably have been an immedi¬ 
ate and dreadful commotion in the state, had not 
the “ Social war," or war of the allies, at this period, 
broken out. 

In this war Marius was employed, but, in con¬ 
ducting it, his military reputation was by no means 
increased. He was slow in his resolutions, and 
dilatory in his attacks. In one battle, indeed, he 
defeated the enemy, with a loss of six thousand 
men; and, throughout the whole campaign, he took 
care to give them no advantage over him; yet he 
greatly disappointed the expectation of his country¬ 
men, and, at last, pretending to be incapacitated for 
service, he gave up the command. 

Two years after this, at the commencement of the 
Mithridalic war , desirous of again being employed, 
he affected to shake off his former infirmities; and, 
to convince the people that his bodily powers were 
still unimpaired, he was present every day at the 
Campus Martius, where, although he had become 
corpulent and heavy, he underwent the most robust 
exercises with the young men, and showed himself 
nimble in the use of arms, and active on horseback. 
Some persons, says Plutarch, were pleased with his 
conduct, and went to witness the spirit which he ex¬ 
erted in these exercises; but the more sensible of the 
people, when they beheld it, pitied the avarice and 
ambition of a man, who, though elevated from 
poverty to opulence, and from the meanest condition 
to greatness, knew not how to set bounds to his 
good fortune. It shocked them to think that this 
man, instead of being contented with the admiration 
he had gained, and, instead of enjoying his present 

K 


194 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


possessions in peace, should be anxious, at so ad~ 
vanced an age, and after so many honours and 
triumphs, of being employed to fight with the lieu¬ 
tenants of Mithridates. 

About this time, the tribune Publius Sulpicius, 
having secured in his interest about six hundred men 
of the equestrian order, whom he called his “ anti- 
“ senate,” determined, if possible, to overthrow the 
constitution. Whilst Sylla, who was now one of 
the consuls, was engaged in besieging Nola, Sulpi¬ 
cius obtained entire influence over the city, and 
caused the command of the army to be decreed to 
Marius. No sooner, however, was Sylla informed 
of this circumstance, than he marched his men into 
Rome, and Marius was compelled to seek for safety 
in flight. He escaped to the sea-coast, and, there 
embarking, sailed eastward along the Italian shore, 
till, being overtaken by a storm, he was compelled 
to land near Circazum , a little town in Campania. 
Here he was recognized by a few herdsmen, almost 
the only inhabitants of that part of the country. 
They advised him to hasten immediately away, as a 
party of horsemen had just passed, in pursuit of him. 
In the agony of his distress, he turned out of the 
high road, and entered a thick wood, where he 
passed the night, in the most frightful anxiety. On 
the ensuing morning, nearly exhausted by hunger, 
he proceeded to the sea-shore. He now implored 
of his companions not to desert him; but entreated 
them to await the accomplishment of his last hope, 
the fulfilment, as he asserted, of an ancient predic¬ 
tion, that his career of glory was not yet terminated, 
and that he should be a seventh time consul. 

At this instant they espied a troop of horsemen 
rapidly approaching them; and, at the same time, 
two vessels were sailing along the shore. Exerting, 
therefore, all their remaining strength, they ran to 
the sea, and, plunging into the water, swam off, 
towards the ships; but Marius was so unwieldy, that 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


195 


it was not without difficulty he could be supported 
in the water and lifted on board. When the horse¬ 
men had approached the spot, they called aloud to 
the ship’s crew, either to come on shore, or to throw 
him into the sea. With tears, entreaties, and 
promises, he, however, induced them to declare that 
they would endeavour to save his life; and the 
soldiers rode off, disappointed and enraged by the 
loss of their prey. Not long afterwards, the seamen 
changed their minds; and, fearful of the danger to 
which they might be exposed, for protecting a per¬ 
son of his importance, whom the government had 
ordered to be apprehended, they resolved to set him 
on shore. They therefore cast anchor near the 
mouth of the river Liris , landed him, and, immedi¬ 
ately afterwards, sailed away. 

Marius was overwhelmed with astonishment and 
terror at this unlooked-for disaster. He sate, for 
some time, gazing at the vessel, in silent stupefac¬ 
tion. At length he rose, and, with difficulty, 
scrambled over a succession of wild and almost 
impassable places, through bogs and ditches, till he 
came to the cottage of an old man, who worked in 
the fens. He threw himself at the feet of this man, 
and implored his protection: entreating him “ to 
“save and shelter one, who, if he escaped the present 
danger, would reward him far beyond his hopes.” 
The cottager, commiserating the distress of the 
stranger, told him that his hut would be sufficient, 
if he wished only to repose himself; but that, if he 
was wandering about, to elude the search of his 
enemies, it would be requisite to conceal him in a 
place more retired. Marius entreated him to do so; 
and the cottager conducted him into the fens, to a 
kind of cavern in the bank of a river; supplying 
him with a quantity of reeds and dried grass to lie 
upon; or, in case of necessity, to throw over him. 

Marius had not long been concealed, before he was 
alarmed by a tumultuous noise near the cottage; a 

k 2 


CAItTS MARIUS. 


196 

party of soldiers having arrived there in search of 
him. He had been traced nearly to this spot; and 
the old man was threatened with immediate death, 
tinless he informed them of the place of his conceal¬ 
ment. Marius overheard the conversation; and, 
stripping himself he quitted the cave, and plunged 
into the bog, amidst the water and mud. This, how¬ 
ever, tended rather to discover than to conceal him. 
He was soon observed, and, being dragged out, 
naked and covered with dirt, was conveyed to the 
town ofMinturnae, and there delivered to the magis¬ 
trates. 

At Minturnce he was lodged in the house of a 
woman whose name was Fannia, and who was sup¬ 
posed to entertain an inveterate hatred against him, in 
consequence of a disgrace to which, while he was 
consul, he had subjected her. She, however, bore 
him no malice, and afforded him every accommoda¬ 
tion in her power. A proclamation had been issued 
from Rome, authorizing any one who found Ma¬ 
rius, to put him to death. In consequence of this 
proclamation, the magistrates and council of Min- 
turnae ordered that he should immediately be 
executed; but they could find no citizen who w r ould 
undertake the office of executioner. A horse-sol¬ 
dier, however, a deserter either from the Gaulish or 
the Cumbrian army, was induced, by the promise of 
an adequate reward, to enter the apartment of Ma¬ 
rius, for the purpose of stabbing him. With his 
drawn sword in his hand, he opened the door. The 
Roman general fixed his eyes attentively upon him, 
and called aloud: “Fellow, dost thou dare to kill 
“ Marius?" On which the terrified dragoon drop¬ 
ped his sword and fled. 

►Some of the inhabitants of Minturnae, now touch¬ 
ed with compassion for the fate of so eminent a man, 
caused him to be conveyed on board a ship; and he 
escaped to Africa. After he had landed, he pro- 


CA1US MARIUS. 


197 


ceeded to Carthage ; and, for some time, he lay con¬ 
cealed among the ruins of that city. The governor, 
fearful of giving offence, by suffering him any longer 
to continue there, sent an officer to order him out of 
Africa. To this officer Marius said: “ Go, tell the 
“ governor that thou hast seen the exiled Marius, 
“sitting upon the ruins of Carthage: the same Ma- 
“ rius, who has been six times consul, w ho has been 
“denominated the ‘third founder of Rome;’ and 
“ whom the Romans, in their libations, have associ- 
“ ated w r ith their gods.” This Marius, was now an 
exile, seated on the ruins of a city once wealthy and 
powerful; a city which had disputed, with Rome, in 
three destructive wars, the empire of the world. He 
shortly afterwards left Carthage, and retired to the 
island of Circina , not far distant. 

Here he was informed that Sylla, his rival, and 
through whose influence he had been proscribed, was 
with the Roman army in Boeotia; and that his own 
party, with Cinna the new consul at their head, had 
regained the ascendency in Rome. These circum¬ 
stances induced him to return to Italy. He landed 
in Tuscany , and, having collected there a considera¬ 
ble number of troops, he filled with them forty ships, 
and proceeded along the shore to Ostia , the port of 
Rome. There he landed, and thence he marched 
to the capital. He entered the city at the head of 
his troops; and, w r ith almost unequalled cruelty, he 
put all his enemies to the sword, without regard to 
age, dignity, or former services. Among the rest 
who were thus sacrificed to his resentment, were" 
Cneius Octavius, the consul, and Quintus Catulus, 
formerly his own colleague in the consulship. Ma¬ 
rius is said to have ordered, that his soldiers should 
destroy every one of those to whom he did not stretch 
out his hand, in friendship, when they saluted him. 

Cinna, who hitherto had calmly beheld the but¬ 
chering of his fellow-citizens, now began to be ap- 


198 


CAIUS MARIUS. 


palled with the blood that was shed; but the fury 
of Marius seemed to increase with the slaughter, and 
he went on, destroying all those of whom he had the 
least shadow of suspicion. In conclusion, Marius 
caused himself to be chosen consul the seventh time , and 
Cinna to be made his associate in that office. 

They did not, however, long enjoy this blood¬ 
stained dignity, before intelligence was brought that 
Syllahad terminated the Mithridatic war; and that, 
after having reduced the Asiatic provinces to obe¬ 
dience, he was returning, with a large army, to Rome. 
We now behold this wretched victim of ambition 
and avarice, worn out with toils and haunted by 
remorse, expecting, on the arrival of his opponent, 
the retaliation of all his enormities. His faculties, 
fail him, and, to overcome his fears, he indulges in 
intemperance, till he is thrown into a fever, which 
leaves him no hopes of life. Here, at the point of 
death, we can behold the bed on which he is stretch¬ 
ed in no other light than a scaffold, prepared for his 
punishment. His own crimes are his executioners ; 
and he sinks, under the agonies which they inflict, an 
object of detestation to his associates, and of abhor¬ 
rence to himslf. 

“ Thus, (says Plutarch,) at the age of seventy 
“ years, distinguished by the unparalleled honour of 
“ seven consulships, and possessed of a more than re- 
“ gal fortune, died Marius, with the chagrin of an un- 
“ fortunate wretch, who had not obtained what he 
“ desired.” 

Some of the ancient writers, forgetting the vices 
of Marius, and contemplating only his military ex¬ 
ploits, rank him among the most virtuous and estima¬ 
ble of the Roman citizens. Cicero, erroneously, 
styles him “ the father of his country; the parent of 
“ Roman liberty; the guardian of the state and of 
“ the empire; a man as excellent as he was wise.” 

He died in the year of Rome 667, and eighty- 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


199 


seven years before the Christian era. Some time 
after his death, his ashes were dug up by order of 
Sylla, and scattered before the winds. 

Authorities— Plutarch , Sallust , and Appian. 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 

A Roman general of great military renown, but of cruel and 
profligate character; who was remarkable for having served 
under Marius, in Numidia , where lie received the surrender of 
Jugurtha; for his subsequent contests with Marius; his suc¬ 
cesses against the armies of Mithridates; his occasioning 
himself to be proclaimed perpetual dictator ; his proscriptions 
and massacres. 

He died , of a horrible disease, in the year 676 of Rome, and 78 
years before the birth of Christ. 


During his youth, Sylla was extremely profligate: 
he passed much of his time in the company of buf¬ 
foons, mimics, and jesters; yet he had sufficient 
perseverance to acquire a competent knowledge both 
of Latin and Grecian literature. 

When he had arrived at manhood , his figure was well 
formed, and erect. His eyes were blue, fierce, and 
menacing; and his face was of so singular a colour, 
that it is supposed to have given origin to his name, 
the word syl signifying a yellow kind of earth, 
which, when burnt, becomes red. Plutarch asserts 
that his face was of a deep red colour, interspersed 
with spots of white; and says that an Athenian 
jester once compared it to “a mulberry sprinkled 
“ with meal.” 

The first public employment which Sylla appears 
to have obtained, was that of queesior to Marius, 
when the latter, as consul, was sent into Numidia , 



200 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLAv 


to carry on the war against Jugurtha. After some 
partial successes, the Roman army was surprised by 
Jugurtha, and-his father-in-law, Bocchus, king of 
Mauritania; and was obliged, for a little while, to 
retreat; but it, soon afterwards, returned upon the 
assailants, and put them to flight, with great loss. 
Much of the success, in this struggle, was attributed 
to the talents and bravery of Sylla, who now acquir¬ 
ed the confidence and even the friendship of his 
general; though he had before been despised on 
account of his profligate habits. The enemy at¬ 
tacked the Romans a second time, and were totally 
defeated. After this, Bocchus, desirous of throwing 
off his alliance with Jugurtha, entered, privately, 
into a treaty with Marius; and, through the influ¬ 
ence of Sylla, obtained permission to send ambas¬ 
sadors to Rome, to sue for peace, and to entreat that 
he might be admitted into friendship and alliance 
with the Romans. 

Jugurtha, not long afterwards, was at the court of 
Bocchus; and the latter sent information to Sylla, 
that, if he would come, with a few troops, to the 
Numidian camp, Jugurtha should be delivered into 
his hands. Rash and dangerous as it was to trust 
himself in the power of a barbarian, and of one who, 
in this very act, was affording a proof of his treach¬ 
ery, Sylla accepted the invitation. In fact, when 
both Jugurtha and Sylla were within his power, and 
, when Bocchus knew that he must betray one of 
them, he, for some time, hesitated which of the two 
it should be. His fear of the Romans, however, 
prevailed, and he sacrificed Jugurtha. 

With the subjugation of this prince, the Numidian 
war was terminated. Marius enjoyed the triumph 
for it; but Sylla, by constantly using, as the seal of 
his letters and dispatches, an engraved representa¬ 
tion of Bocchus delivering up Jugurtha, contrived 
to insinuate, to the Romans, that all the merit of it 
was due to him. Marius was much offended by this., 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


201 


but Svlla was not yet of sufficient age or character 
to be an object of his envy. He was employed 
during both the second and third consulate of 
Marius; and, in the latter, he had the command of a 
thousand men. 

Sylla was afterwards employed in Italy , by Catu- 
lus, the colleague of Marius; and so great was his 
success, in several brilliant enterprises, and so much 
celebrity did he acquire, that he was, at length, 
induced to imagine that he possessed sufficient in¬ 
fluence to obtain a share in the government. He, 
therefore, left the camp, and returned to Rome. 
Here he offered himself a candidate for the office of 
praetor , but was not successful. In the ensuing year 
he again offered himself, and, in consequence, as it is 
said, partly of his assiduities, and partly to* his 
having bribed several of the electors, he was 
returned. 

During his praetorship, he entertained the Romans 
with some extraordinary exhibitions in the Circus; 
but particularly with a combat between a hundred 
lions, and some Mauritanian hunters. Combats 
with ferocious animals, were a barbarous species of 
exhibition, in which the Romans greatly delighted, 
and with which Sylla was enabled to gratify them, 
to an almost unprecedented extent, in consequence 
of his connexions with Bocchus. 

After the expiration of the first year of his praetor¬ 
ship, Sylla was appointed governor of the Roman 
provinces in Asia. Mithridates, king of Pontus, 
more known in history for his cruelty, than even for 
his great exploits, had, by assassination or by poison, 
destroyed nearly all the princes of Cappadocia , and 
had placed a son of his own upon the throne of that 
kingdom, under the guardianship of Gordius, one of 
his courtiers. This Gordius, Sylla defeated; and, 
by so doing, was enabled to restore Ariobarzanes to 
the throne of Cappadocia. 

On his return to Rome, an irreconcilable quarrel ,, 

k 3 


202 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


which had taken place betwixt himself and Marius , 
was revived, by the circumstance of Bocclms having 
caused several images of victory to be placed in the 
capitol, and, among them, a representation of Jugur- 
tha in chains, as delivered up to Sylla. Irritated by 
what he considered so directly personal an insult, 
Marius was resolved to pull the images down; and 
the friends of Sylla assembled to protect them. The 
whole city was in commotion, and, in the unsettled 
state of the Roman government, a civil war might 
have been the consequence of this private quarrel, 
had not the increasing sedition been, for a while, 
suspended, by the breaking out of what was called 
the “ Social war.” 

Sylla was one of the commanders employed in 
this war; and he performed so many memorable 
exploits, that most of the Roman citizens consi¬ 
dered him a great general; his friends asserted 
that he was the greatest, and his enemies, that 
he was the most fortunate of generals. He had 
no objection to even the last of these epithets; for 
he considered that it added an air of grandeur, and 
even of divinity to his actions. Fortune was wor¬ 
shipped by the Romans as a goddess, and he consi¬ 
dered himself flattered by being thought under the 
superintendance of so favourite a deity. 

There was scarcely a man in Rome, of more 
itnamiable or more inconsistent character. He was 
rapacious, yet liberal; submissive, and even obse¬ 
quious, to those from whom he hoped to derive 
advantage; but harsh and severe towards such as 
were in need of his services. On the slightest 
grounds he would sometimes inflict even torture; 
and, at other times, he would overlook the commis¬ 
sion of the greatest enormities. But the chief object 
of his inveteracy was Marius , wdiose destruction he 
unremittingly studied to effect. 

In the year of the city 665, he was elected consul , 
and was extremely anxious to obtain the manage¬ 
ment of the war against Mithridates, king of Pontus. 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


203 


This was also an object of anxiety to Marius. A 
virulent contest took place betwixt the friends of 
each party. Sylla being, at this time, encamped, 
with the Roman army, before Nola, in Campania, 
the intrigues of the tribune Sulpicius, obtained, for 
Marius, the appointment. No sooner was Sylla 
informed of this, than he assembled his troops, 
reminded them of the victories they had obtained 
under his command, stated that rich spoils might be 
gained in the war against Mithridates, and exaggera¬ 
ted the disgraceful campaign of Marius. A loud 
shout followed, and an exclamation, “ Let us hasten 
“ to Rome, and avenge the cause of oppressed 
“ liberty.” This was a term used by all parties, as a 
watchword for promoting their own views, and, in 
this instance, was equally adopted by the adherents 
of Sylla and of Marius. The trumpets were 
sounded, the troops marched to Rome , and, after a 
faint resistance from the soldiers under Marius, 
made themselves masters of the capitol. On the 
ensuing day, Sylla caused a decree to be passed, 
declaring Marius’s appointment void, and that no 
law should, thenceforth, be proposed by the tribunes, 
until it had been approved by the senate; and ano¬ 
ther decree for the death of Marius, of his son, of 
Sulpicius, and nine other senators of the same 
party. 

The contests which resulted from the private quar¬ 
rel between Sylla and Marius, proved more injurious 
to the republic than all the wars in which it had 
previously been engaged: these contests were even 
represented, by the augurs, to have been prefigured 
by prodigies of various kinds. A few of them may 
be mentioned, for the purpose of showing the exces¬ 
sive credulity of the Roman people. Fire was seen 
to blaze from the ensign staves: three ravens 
brought their young ones into the city, devoured 
them there, and carried the remains back to their 
nests. While the senate were assembled, a sparrow, 


204 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


in the sight of the whole body, brought, in her 
mouth, a grasshopper; and, after she had torn it 
asunder, she left one part with them, and carried the 
other part away. From the last incident, the 
augurs declared that a fatal dispute was to be ex¬ 
pected between the town and the country: the in¬ 
habitants of the town they described to be noisy, 
like the grasshopper; and those of the country, 
domestic, like the sparrow. 

Sulpicius was betrayed by one of his slaves, and 
beheaded; and the conduct of Sylla towards this 
slave, w r as strangely inconsistent. He had issued a 
proclamation of freedom to any of the slaves of 
Sulpicius, who should cause his apprehension: he, 
accordingly, gave this man his liberty, but he imme¬ 
diately afterwards ordered him to be thrown from 
the Tarpeian rock, as a punishment for having 
betrayed his master. 

Marius fled to the sea-coast, and his son escaped 
into Africa, leaving Sylla without opponent. The 
latter arranged the affairs in the city, with as much 
expedition as possible, and then set out, with his 
troops, to act against Mitliridates , w T ho had obtained 
possession of Asia Minor, and of a considerable part 
of Macedonia and Greece. Sylla first sailed to 
Greece; and he commenced his operations by in¬ 
vesting the city of Athens , which, at this time, was 
held by Ariston, one of the generals of Mitliridates. 

He was anxious to obtain possession of this place 
in as short a time as possible, that he might return 
to Rome; for, in the unsettled state of the Roman 
government, he was fearful lest, during his absence, 
some change, to his prejudice, might be effected in 
the opinions of the people. He therefore brought 
against it warlike implements of every description, 
at that time in use; and left no kind of assault unat¬ 
tempted. To effect his purpose, he found that 
greater sums of money were requisite, than he pos¬ 
sessed; and, to obtain these, he plundered the 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


20S 

Grecian temples of their most sacred and valuable 
treasures. He even wrote to Delphi , to request 
that the treasures of Apollo, in that sanctuary, might 
be placed in his hands; stating, that he would either 
preserve them inviolate, or that, if he applied them* 
for the use of his army, he would return, for them, 
their full value. 

The officer whom he sent to Delphi, expressed, 
to the persons who had the care of the temple, his 
deep regret, in being thus compelled to deprive 
them of their sacred deposits. The priests, after 
consulting together, on the subject, alarmed him, by 
stating that Apollo disapproved of their being taken 
away; for that they had heard the sound of his lyre, 
in the inmost sanctuary. Hoping that he should be 
able to inspire his master with the same religious terror 
which he had himself experienced, the officer wrote 
to him an account of this mysterious sound. Sylla, 
however, was too cunning to be duped by such a 
stratagem. He replied, that “ he was surprised the 
“ officer should not know that music was the voice 
“ of joy and not of resentment. He, therefore, 
“ begged of him, without hesitation, to take the 
“ treasures, as Apollo had indicated his satisfaction 
“ in their being given up.” They were, accordingly, 
all carried away; and some idea of their immense 
value, may be formed, when it is stated that, 
amongst them, there was one vase of silver, so large 
and heavy that no carriage could be found strong 
enough to bear it; it was, consequently, cut to 
pieces and carried off in fragments. 

By means of these treasures, Sylla was not only 
enabled to support all the ordinary expences of the 
war, but to seduce, to the Roman interest, many of 
the troops of the enemy; and, lavishly to supply the 
wants of his own. Much of this, however, was very 
short-sighted policy ; for, while he was teaching the 
troops of his adversary to desert from their ranks, 
he did not contemplate that he was giving similar 


206 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


authority to his own; and, by ministering to the 
vices of his soldiers, he was not aware that, by de¬ 
grees, he was making himself their slave. 

Sylla experienced great difficulty in obtaining pos¬ 
session of Athens. Ariston, the Athenian governor, 
held the place until the inhabitants were reduced to 
a condition of indescribable distress. Their pro¬ 
visions being exhausted, they were obliged not only 
to eat the herbs and roots which grew wild about the 
citadel, but even to devour sodden leather, oil-bags, 
and skins of the most filthy and disgusting kind. 
The senators and priests w r ent, in a body, to Ariston, 
to implore that he w ould enter into a treaty of ca¬ 
pitulation with Sylla ; but he ordered his soldiers to 
receive them with a showier of arrows. The cruelty 
and the impolicy of this conduct were soon show’n. 
Sylla gave directions that the city should be stormed. 
The Roman soldiers scaled the walls, and, at mid¬ 
night, entered it in a manner the most dreadful that 
can be imagined. They w T ere permitted, without 
restraint, to plunder and destroy. With swords in 
their hands, they rushed along the streets; and 
there, and in the houses, they slew thousands of the 
inhabitants. After a while, however, partly by the 
entreaties of the survivors, partly by the inter¬ 
cession of honourable-minded men in his own army, 
and partly by his thirst for blood having been satia¬ 
ted, Sylla was induced to suspend the work of 
slaughter. “ I forgive (said he) the many, for the 
“ sake of the few; the living, for the sake of the il- 
“ lustrious dead.” 

During the siege of Athens, Archelaus, one of the 
generals of Mithridates, had advanced, through 
Thrace, with more than a hundred thousand men. 
Notw ithstanding the approach of so powerful a force, 
Sylla was obliged to conduct his soldiers into the 
plains of Boeotia , for the purpose of their obtaining 
rest and refreshment. Many persons have consi¬ 
dered this to have been a great military error, as he 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


207 


was thereby exposed to attack by the numerous 
cavalry of the enemy. But he had no alternative, 
than either to have his army destroyed by famine, or 
to risk the event of a disadvantageous battle. 

Scarcely had the Romans entrenched and forti¬ 
fied their camp, when they were surrounded by a 
force at least seven times greater than their own. 
In the utmost consternation, they retired within their 
trenches; and it was in vain that Sylla endeavoured 
to rouse and animate them. An error, however, 
which, in many other instances besides this, has been 
the ruin of an army, was committed by the enemy. 
Despising a force so much inferior to their own, they 
were wholly negligent of discipline. For the pur¬ 
pose of obtaining plunder, they often dispersed 
themselves through the country, and sometimes to 
great distances, leaving but few men in the camp. 
Sylla was too experienced a general not to take 
every possible advantage of their neglect. Watch¬ 
ing a favourable opportunity, he suddenly attacked, 
and with complete success, such of them as were 
left; and, in a subsequent battle, he routed the 
whole remainder, destroying all, except about ten 
thousand men, who fled and escaped. 

Not long afterwards he defeated, near Orchomenos , 
an army still more numerous. In the onset of this 
battle, the Romans had been excessively terrified; 
and a considerable body of them had fled. But 
Sylla, with great presence of mind, leaped from 
his horse, seized one of the standards, and rushed 
through the midst of the fugitives towards the 
enemy, exclaiming: “ Here, Romans, is the bed of 
“ honour, in which I am to die. When you are 
“ asked where you betrayed your general, say it 
“ was at Orchomenos. 5 ’ This prompt address ar¬ 
rested their flight: Sylla drew off his troops, for a 
little while, reanimated their courage, and, in a sub¬ 
sequent attack, totally routed the enemy. After this 
battle he conveyed his forces into Asia Minor . 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


208 

During his absence from Rome, his political oppo - 
nents had used every exertion to undermine him in 
the estimation of the people. And information was 
now conveyed to him, that the consuls Cinna and 
Carbo had caused a great number of his friends to 
be slain; that his houses and villas had all been 
burnt; and that his wife and children had, with dif¬ 
ficulty, escaped. The perplexity of Sylla, on re¬ 
ceiving this intelligence, may be imagined. He 
knew not how to act: he dreaded the consequences, 
to himself, of not immediately appearing in Rome; 
and yet he could not leave unfinished so important 
an object as the Mithridatic war. From this em¬ 
barrassment, however, he was soon relieved by in¬ 
telligence that Archelaus was inclined to enter into 
a treaty with him. A peace with Mithridates was, 
shortly afterwards, effected; and, when Sylla had 
completed the requisite arrangements in Asia, he 
sailed, with his whole fleet, from Ephesus to Athens , 
and thence to Italy. 

Cinna and the elder Marius both died, and the 
chief opponents of Sylla now were the younger Ma¬ 
rius, and the consuls, Cornelius Scipio and C. Junius 
Norbanus. Sylla had landed at Tarentum , a town in 
Calabria; and, as soon as his arrival in Italy had been 
made known, Marius and Norbanus marched against 
him, with a force of nearly two hundred thousand 
men, whilst his own troops were not more than forty 
thousand in number. Sylla, however, had the fullest 
confidence both in himself and his men. After 
having, in vain, made proposals of peace, to Nor¬ 
banus, he attacked him in his camp, defeated him, 
and compelled him to seek for safety within the walls 
of Capua. This victory drew over to him, nearly 
all the nobility: and, partly by bribery, and partly 
by conflict in the field, he contrived to defeat, in 
succession, all the troops that were brought against 
him. It was accurately said of Sylla, that “ in him, 
“ his enemies had to contend both with a fox and a 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 209 

“ lion; but that the fox was the more formidable of 
f ‘ the two.” 

In a subsequent battle, which was fought near 
Rome, and which was contended with greater obsti¬ 
nacy than any in which he had previously been en¬ 
gaged, he appears to have been exposed to great 
personal danger. He rode a white horse of uncom¬ 
mon fleetness and spirit; and two of the soldiers, 
in the ranks of his opponents, levelled their spears 
at him. One of the servants of Sylla, happening to 
be near him, and perceiving their intention, suddenly 
lashed his master’s horse, and made him spring for¬ 
ward, so that the spears only grazed the animal’s 
tail, and fell harmless to the ground. At one time 
the whole left wing of his army was routed, and 
Sylla was obliged to mix with the fugitives, in order 
to regain his camp. In this part of the battle he 
lost many of his friends; and great numbers of peo¬ 
ple, who had gone from Rome to witness the conflict, 
were trodden under foot and killed. At last, how¬ 
ever, he succeeded in rallying his men, and obtained 
a decisive victory. 

He now marched into the city; and, having col¬ 
lected together and secured his prisoners, several 
thousands in number, he assembled the senate in the 
temple of Bellona. During an harangue which he 
made to that body, on the state of the public affairs, 
his soldiers (as they had been commanded) rushed 
upon the prisoners and murdered them all. The 
screams of so great a number of persons, massacred in 
one place, were most terrific. The senators, over¬ 
whelmed with astonishment and dismay, enquired 
what had occasioned them; but Sylla, with great 
apparent indifference, bade them “ mind their own 
“ business, and not trouble themselves with what 
“ was going on: the noise they had heard only came 
“ from some malefactors, whom he had ordered to 
** be punished.” 

It is impossible to form a correct judgment of the 


210 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


characters of men, until we know that they act with¬ 
out constraint. Some circumstances have been re¬ 
corded of Sylla, which might have led us to suppose 
that he was not destitute of the sentiments of grati¬ 
tude and moderation: but when these are examined, 
it will be found that, in every case, where they ap¬ 
pear, he either stood in need of the assistance of his 
friends, or had reason to dread the power of his ene¬ 
mies. But, as soon as he had triumphed over all 
opposition, he gave full sway to his cruelty and in¬ 
gratitude. His barbarity has not often been equal¬ 
led. In the death of Marius the Romans believed 
that they were delivered from tyranny; but, in re¬ 
ceiving Sylla, they found that they had only exchang¬ 
ed tyrants. 

No sooner had Sylla re-established himself in the 
Roman government, than the city was kept in a 
state of incessant alarm, by his proscriptions and mas¬ 
sacres. These were so long continued, that, at 
length, Caius Metellus, a young nobleman, ventured, 
in the senate, to ask him: “ Tell us, Sylla, when 
“ our calamities are to terminate ? How far do you 
“ mean to proceed? and when may we hope you will 
“ cease? We do not ask of you to spare those whom 
“ you have already marked out for destruction ; but 
“ we do ask for an exemption from anxiety, for 
“ those whom you have determined to save.” Sylla 
merely replied that “ he did not yet know whom he 
“ should save.” “ Then (answered Metellus) let us 
“ know who those are whom you intend to destroy.” 
He said “ he would do so,” and immediately named 
eighty persons. The public expressed great indig¬ 
nation at his conduct, notwithstanding which, two 
days afterwards he proscribed two hundred and 
twenty more, and, on the third day, an equal num¬ 
ber. He then told the people, that “ he had now 
“ proscribed all whom he could recollect; and that 
“ such as he had forgotten, must be included in some 
M future proscription.” 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 211 

With regard to the proscription , the invention of 
which has been attributed to Sylla, it is to be ob¬ 
served that the names of the individuals, marked out 
for destruction, were written on tablets or boards, 
and fixed up at the forum, with the offer of a reward 
to such persons as should apprehend or destroy 
them, and a denunciation of punishment to such as 
should canceal them. And the property of the per¬ 
son proscribed was forfeited. The number of per¬ 
sons who perished under the proscriptions of Sylla, 
are said to have been four thousand seven hundred, 
of whom two thousand were senators and knights. 

But the cruelties of Sylla did not cease with the 
proscription. At Prccneste, a city not far distant 
from Rome, he caused many of the inhabitants to 
be accused of disaffection to him; and, at first, ex¬ 
ecuted them singly; but, finding that he had not 
leisure for such formalities, he had them collected to¬ 
gether, about twelve thousand in number, and or¬ 
dered them all, except one, to be put to death. The 
person thus excepted had formerly entertained Sylla 
at his house. But afflicted by his cruelties, he de¬ 
clared that “ he would not be indebted for his life 
“ to the destroyer of his country,” and, voluntarily 
rushing among the crowd, suffered with the rest. 

The Romans must have been a most degraded 
people, to have submitted to cruelties like these; but 
the unsettled state of their government, their want 
of unanimity, the ambition of the higher orders, and 
the power which had been gradually attained by the 
populace, men ignorant of even the first principles of 
government, and who were liable to be led astray 
and to follow the dictates of any unprincipled leader 
who chose to court their favour :—the natural ten¬ 
dency of all this was to place the reins of govern¬ 
ment in the hands of some self-interested leader. 
And they were now in the hands of one whose power 
was without control. 

The two consuls being dead, Sylla retired into the 


212 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


country for a few days, and then gave orders that it 
was requisite for the people to appoint a dictator ; 
stating that, if they chose to lay this burden upon 
him, he would accept it for the good of the repub¬ 
lic. He well knew that, after such an intimation, 
they would not dare to do otherwise than elect him. 
He was accordingly named dictator, although, be¬ 
fore this time, no instance had occurred of a dictator 
having been created by the people. Besides, the 
administration of this office had hitherto been limited 
to six months; but he was appointed to it for an un¬ 
limited time. All the powers of the most absolute 
monarchy being now, in fact, vested in him, he oc¬ 
casioned an act of amnesty, or indemnification, to be 
passed, for all that he had done. He obtained also 
a decree, by which he was formally invested with 
the power of life and death, of confiscating property, 
of building or demolishing cities ; and of giving or 
taking away kingdoms at his pleasure. 

The power thus conferred upon him, he exercised 
in so arbitrary and despotic a manner, that no one 
who possessed large estates could consider himself 
safe. And the revenues of whole cities and pro¬ 
vinces were, in many instances, expended upon 
mimics, buffoons, dancers, and persons of the most 
abandoned and profligate character. 

For the purpose, however, of recovering some 
degree of popularity, he made several laws which 
were beneficial to the state; and, at length, when he 
was satiated with blood, he decreed to himself the 
honour of a public triumph. This was rendered 
magnificent, by an extraordinary display of wealth, 
and of spoils obtained in Greece and Asia, and a 
long procession of captives. At the termination of 
his triumph, Sylla, in a set speech to the people, 
recited an account of his own actions, and concluded 
with an order that, for the future, he should be 
called “ Felix,” or “ the fortunate.” But Pater¬ 
culus observes that “ he might more correctly 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 


213 


** have deserved this appellation, if he had ceased to 
“ live, on the day that he had completed his 
“ conquests.” 

In the six hundred and seventy-third year of the 
city, Sylla, though dictator, caused himself to be 
elected consul , in conjunction with Metellus Pius. 
At last, after he had ruled with absolute sway for 
nearly three years; had put an infinite number of 
persons to death, had violated the constitution, and 
had changed the whole form of government, he asto¬ 
nished the people by resigning his power , and 
leaving the forum as a private man. And he left it 
without any mark of detestation from the people, 
except from one young man, who followed him to 
isome distance, using, against him, the most irritating 
and abusive language. Sylla, however, merely 
replied, “ This young man will prevent any one, 
“ hereafter, from voluntarily resigning so great a 
“ power as I have possessed.” And his observation 
was verified by the conduct of Julius Caesar, who 
asserted that “ Sylla had indicated great weakness 
“ in having thus resigned his power.” 

If we could view the conduct of Sylla in a favour¬ 
able light, we might, perhaps, say, that he had 
suffered himself to be intoxicated by success: that, 
having attained the highest pinnacle of human 
greatness, he had been mistaken in his notions both 
of security and of happiness; and that, consequently, 
he had made a bad use of his prosperity. But that 
reflection and experience, having convinced him of 
his error; and, finding that no one could be truly 
happy who endeavoured to make others miserable, 
he had returned to that station of life which was 
really most advantageous. And this notion might 
be partly confirmed by the moderation with which 
he conducted himself before the proscriptions and 
after his abdication. But, on the other hand, when 
we consider his vindictive spirit, his thirst of power, 
his avarice, his perfidy, and his wanton and delibe- 


214 LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA. 

rate cruelty, we must conclude that he abdicated, 
not from magnanimity, but from uneasiness and 
perturbation of mind. 

It may, perhaps, have been in a hope to relieve his 
mind from the weight of misery with which it was 
loaded, that he resolved to consecrate to Hercules 
a tenth part of the property he had acquired. But 
no relief to a bad conscience could reasonably be 
expected from an act like this. The consecration 
of a small portion of substance, obtained by inces¬ 
sant acts of injustice and oppression, can never have 
been acceptable to the deity. His mind was wholly 
unreformed. 

On this occasion he made a sumptuous entertain¬ 
ment for the people. The whole populace are said 
to have been invited; and the profusion was such, 
that, for many successive days, a great quan¬ 
tity of provisions was thrown into the river. A few 
months afterwards, he entertained them with an 
exhibition of gladiators; and, during this exhibition, 
a beautiful female, named Valeria , who, but a few 
days before, had been divorced from her husband, 
made herself known to Sylla, and was afterwards 
married to him. The occurrence was a very re¬ 
markable one. The young lady, who is described 
to have been of unblemished reputation, placed 
herself near him, and, resting her hand gently upon 
his shoulder, took a little of the knap from off his 
robe, and then returned to her seat. Sylla was 
much surprised at the familiarity, and the lady told 
him, “ that it was not from disrespect she had 
“ done this, but because she was desirous to partake 
“in his good fortune.” He was pleased with the 
answer, and, having ascertained that she was 
respectably connected, married her. 

Sylla, however, still continued to spend much of 
his time w ith persons of the most dissipated charac¬ 
ter; gave, to such persons, the most extravagant 
banquets; and often sate drinking, whole days, with 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SlLLA. 


215 


actors, musicians, and buffoons. And, notwith- 
stand the cruelty of his disposition, and the innume¬ 
rable murders he had committed, he was suffered to 
live unmolested. 

The horrible disease which terminated in his 
death, may, perhaps, and without any violation of 
Christian charity, be considered a divine visitation, 
for his almost unexampled wickedness. His dissi¬ 
pated life, (say the ancient writers,) occasioned such 
a corruption of his flesh, that his body became “ 
covered with vermin: persons were employed, both 
day and night, to cleanse him, but in vain. His 
clothing, his baths, his basins, and his food, were 
covered with them. He bathed many times a day, 
to cleanse himself, but to no purpose. The cor¬ 
ruption increased so fast upon him, that it was 
found impossible, by any remedies, to overcome or 
even to check it. 

Notwithstanding this wretched condition, an oc¬ 
currence which took place a few days before his death, 
proved that he was resolved to continue his cruelty 
even to the last. The quaestor Granins had refused 
to pay a sum of money which he owed to the state. 
Sylla sent for him into his chamber, and had him 
strangled there. But the death of this man proved 
the more immediate cause of his own death; for, the 
violence w r ith which he spoke, in giving the order, 
strained him so much, that he vomited a great 
quantity of blood and corrupted matter. He passed 
the night in extreme agony, and, on the ensuing 
morning, expired , at the age of sixty years. 

His enemies were desirous to prevent his having 
the usual honour of a public funeral; but this w r as 
over-ruled by his friends; for, notwithstanding his 
detestable character, he had some adherents, who 
continued to show respect for him even after his 
death. He died at Cumae; but his body was con¬ 
veyed to Rome upon a rich bier, and clad in a 
triumphal robe. It was preceded by four-and-tw r enty 


316 


LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA, 


lictors carrying their fasces. The troops followed, 
with their eagles and colours; and a multitude of 
trumpets made the air resound with doleful notes. 
At Rome, the college of vestals, the high priests, the 
senate, the magistrates, the Roman knights, and an 
immense crowd of people, joined in the train, singing 
funeral hymns. The procession moved on to the 
forum, where an oration was pronounced over the 
body; and thence to the Campus Marti us, where 
the funeral pile was erected. So great a quantity of 
spices were brought to be burned, that, besides as 
much as filled two hundred and ten large baskets, 
there were two full-length human figures, entirely 
formed of cinnamon and frankincense. 

After the body was laid upon the funeral pile, 
a brisk wind arose, which fanned the flame, and 
occasioned it to be almost immediately consumed. 
A monument was erected to his memory, in the 
Campus Martius; and the epitaph is said to have 
been written by himself. It was as follows: “No 
“ friend ever did me so much good, nor any enemy 
“ so much harm, but I repaid him with interest.” 

Sylla wrote a series of memoirs or commentaries of 
his own life. These are mentioned by Plutarch, but 
they are not now extant. 

The life and death of this extraordinary man, unite 
in affording a most impressive and instructive lesson. 
Though possessed of talents which might have 
claimed the admiration of the world, he so exces¬ 
sively abused them, that, neither poverty in his 
youth, nor satiety in his latest years, could set any 
bounds to his licentiousness. To this, after the in¬ 
numerable acts of cruelty which he committed to 
attain pre-eminence in the state, he is supposed to 
have, at last, wholly surrendered himself, in order to 
silence all remorse of conscience ; and this is stated, 
by some writers, to have been the more immediate cause 
of the horrible disease which terminated his life. 

Authorities.— Plutarch, Sallust , Paterculus , and Appian. 


217 


QUINTUS CJECILIUS METELLUS. 

A Roman consul and general, who obtained the surname of 
u Numidicusf in consequence of his successes in the Numidian 
•war, against Jugurtlia; was supplanted by Marius, and, at his 
instigation, banished from Rome; but was subsequently re¬ 
called, and highly esteemed for his integrity and disinterested 
conduct . 


Of the early life of Metellus little is known. He is 
described to have been one of the most eminent of 
the Roman orators, during the time of Scipio, Laelius, 
and the Gracchi; and, with Marcus Junius Silanus, 
was elected consul , in the year of the city 644. 

It is recorded, to his honour, that, at a time when 
many of the Roman nobility and senate had shown 
themselves the meanest slaves of avarice, his actions 
could, in no respect, be influenced by wealth. The 
government was in the hands of men, whose cruelty, 
avarice, and oppression, were exceeded only by 
their pride; and who did not hesitate to apply what¬ 
ever had before been held sacred, in piety, honour, 
or friendship, to the basest and most mercenary 
purposes. They had no longer a rival to dread, in 
Carthage; and virtue had declined, not gradually, 
but rapidly, and vice alone seemed to flourish. It 
was in the midst of this contagion, that Metellus had 
the merit of preserving his integrity. 

On being elected to the consulate , it fell to his lot 
to proceed into Africa , for the purpose of conducting 
the war which had been commenced against Jugur- 
tha. But as Rome was corrupted, so also were the 
Roman armies. The officers had, in numerous 
instances, been guilty of bribery; and the soldiers 
were undisciplined and under no control. Indo¬ 
lence, luxury, and licentiousness, almost every where 
prevailed among the troops. After his arrival in 
Africa, Metellus, by a well-regulated conjunction of 

L 



218 


QUINTUS CiECILIUS METELLUS. 


rigour and moderation, and without inflicting any 
capital punishment, restored the army to a state of 
correct discipline. 

In Numidia he carried on, with diligence and 
activity, that war, which was, perhaps, the most just 
and honourable that the Romans had ever been em¬ 
ployed in. Jugurtha, informed of the improved 
state of the army, and despairing of success, against 
such an officer as Metellus, sent messengers to state 
that he was ready to capitulate, on condition only 
that the lives of himself and his children should be 
spared. But Metellus, incapable of being amused 
from his purposes with mere proposals of peace; 
well knowing the perfidy of the Numidians, and also 
knowing that no people were more susceptible of 
corruption than they, proved the sincerity of these 
messengers, by himself prevailing with them, under 
large promises, to declare that they would deliver up 
Jugurtha to him: at the same time ordering them 
to state to Jugurtha, that lie, Metellus, assented to 
his wish, and was ready to receive his capitulation. 

This was a procedure which, in common life, 
w r ould be considered extremely dishonourable. But 
it was one of those stratagems, in war, which were 
frequently practised by the ancients ; and the event 
proved that Metellus and Jugurtha were each trying 
to outwit the other. 

Metellus, having received no further communica¬ 
tions from his enemies, marched into the interior of 
the country, with his army ready for action. Here 
was no appearance whatever of war. The officers 
of Jugurtha came out, from the towns, to meet him, 
and to furnish his troops with corn and other pro¬ 
visions. Notwithstanding this peaceable aspect, 
Metellus proceeded with the utmost caution: his 
army was always ready. Jugurtha, he knew to be 
a man of so much subtility, that it was difficult to 
say whether he was to be feared as most dangerous, 
when he was absent, or when he was present. 


QUINTUS C.ECILIUS METELLUS. 219 

This prince, having found himself unable to obtain 
any advantage by negociation, determined to risk 
the event of a battle. He attacked the Roman 
army, and, at first, obtained some advantage; but 
he was finally defeated, and obliged to retire into a 
woody and strong part of the country, where he was 
protected from attack, and where he endeavoured to 
recruit his forces. 

Metellus now resolved to march into the richest 
parts of Numidia. Here he acted in a manner 
which, though authorized by the inhuman practices 
of those times, would be infamous in a Christian 
commander. He not only ravaged the whole coun¬ 
try through which he passed, and took numerous 
towns and castles that were slightly fortified, but he 
ordered all the males that were of age to bear arms, 
to be slain; and granted unrestrained permission to 
his soldiers, to plunder the houses of the inhabitants. 
These proceedings occasioned more alarm to Jugur- 
tha, than even the result of his late disastrous 
contest; and, when information, concerning them, 
was conveyed to Rome, the senate and the people 
expressed great approbation, not merely of the success 
of Metellus, but of the manner in which he had 
conducted the war. 

This general, however, was afterwards much 
harassed by Jugurtha. The crafty Numidian cut 
off his resources, attacked his outposts, and impeded 
his marches, but could not be brought to hazard a 
general engagement. In the hope of being able to 
effect this, Metellus laid siege to a city called Zama ; 
but Jugurtha did not fall into the snare. Without 
risking a battle, he so much annoyed the besiegers, 
by frequent skirmishes, that Metellus was, at last, 
obliged to retire, unsuccessful, into winter quarters. 

Here he, once again, acted in a manner which 
does not confer honour upon his memory. Availing 
himself of the same arts which the Numidian prince 
had often, and successfully, practised against other 

l 2 


220 QUINTUS CiECILlUS METELLUS. 

commanders, Metellus, by specious promises, bribed 
Bomilcar, Jugurtha’s most intimate confidant, to 
persuade his master to surrender himself to the Ro¬ 
mans. This plan, in part, succeeded. Jugurtha 
was induced to inform Metellus that he would do 
so; and, as a security for the performance of his 
promise, he sent, to the Roman camp, two hundred 
thousand pounds weight of silver, all his elephants, 
all the Roman deserters, and a great quantity of 
horses and arms. But he repented of the engage¬ 
ment he had made; and, though thus greatly re¬ 
duced in power, he resolved once more to resort 
to arms. 

After the termination of his consulship, Metellus 
was continued in the command, as proconsul; and 
Caius MariuSy one of his lieutenant-generals, at 
this time, a young officer of great ambition, had 
long and earnestly importuned that he might be 
permitted to return to Rome, for the purpose of 
becoming a candidate for the consulship. This 
permission being at last obtained, he left the army, 
and hastened to Italy. In former times, the noble 
descent of a candidate for this office had been an 
advantage to him, but now, such a descent exposed 
him to the hatred of the people. The friends of 
Metellus proposed him as the opponent of Marius; 
but they had little chance of success; for the low 
birth of the latter alone obtained for him a prepon¬ 
derance in the popular favour. Faction and party- 
rage operated much more with regard both to Marius 
and Metellus, than their own qualification for the 
office. Some of the factious magistrates inflamed 
the popular indignation by falsely charging Metellus 
with capital crimes; and extolling the character and 
conduct of Marius, as entitled to unreserved appro¬ 
bation. The contests between the patricians and 
plebeians occasioned a serious commotion in the 
state; but the power of the populace prevailed, and 
the consulship was conferred on Marius. 


QUINTUS C.-ECILIUS METELLUS. 


221 


During these contentions in Rome, a dreadful 
conflict took place in Africa, between the armies of 
Jugurtha and Metellus, in which the latter took 
nearly all the Numidian standards and arms, but 
only a small number of prisoners; for, after a de¬ 
feat, the Numidian soldiers, in making their escape, 
generally threw down their weapons, that they might 
flee with greater rapidity. After some further 
reverses, Jugurtha hastened, with a small retinue, 
through vast and almost impenetrable deserts, into 
Getulia , a country inhabited by a wild and uncivi¬ 
lized people, who, at this time, were unacquainted 
with even the Roman name; and here formed an 
alliance with Bocchus, the king of the country. 

Metellus had pitched his camp near the town of 
Cirta, and was waiting an attack of their united 
forces, when he received letters from Rome, inform¬ 
ing him that the province of Numidia had been 
assigned to Marius. The intelligence of this ap¬ 
pointment was excessively mortifying to him. His 
indignation was so great, that he could neither 
refrain from tears nor govern his tongue. He con¬ 
ceived that he had brought the war so nearly to a 
conclusion, that there remained little more to be 
done than to take the person of Jugurtha; and 
Marius would thus snatch from him all the merit of 
his labours. 

Sallust, speaking of Metellus, says that whatever 
could be done in Numidia, was done by him: that 
his progress could be impeded by no artifice, nor by 
any effort of the enemy: and that every obstacle, 
arising from the nature of the country, to which 
others had submitted, he surmounted. Paterculus 
asserts that he was second to no general of his time. 
But it was not alone by his victories over Jugurtha, 
that Metellus signalized himself. He acquired a 
still higher glory, by continuing, in the field, as in¬ 
accessible to bribes, as he had before been in the 
senate* Thus far we may, with justice, speak fa- 


222 


QUINTUS C^ECILIUS METELLUS. 


vourably of his character. But, alas! it was far 
from being complete. Some parts of it seem to 
have been sadly tainted with the degeneracy of the 
times. Although Metellus would himself receive no 
bribe, he, most inconsistently, endeavoured to corrupt 
others. He seems also to have been too proud of his 
rank, too jealous of Marius, and too much vexed at 
the promotion of his rival. Such were the defects 
observable in his character, at this period of his life; 
but it is satisfactory to know, that some of them 
were reformed in his later years. 

When Marius arrived at the Roman camp, the 
command of the army was delivered to him by the 
lieutenant-general, Publius Rutilius; for Metellus 
had, some days before, set out on his return to Italy. 
On his arrival in Rome , his reception was much 
more favourable than he had expected. His actions 
were spoken of in the senate with applause. Even 
the plebeians crowded around him, to congratulate 
him on his success; and he was honoured with a pub¬ 
lic triumph, and with the surname of “ Numidicus.” 

The very circumstance of Metellus, in the midst 
of his victories, being supplanted by Marius, seems 
to have been advantageous to his moral character . 
To witness the final triumph of his rival over Jugur- 
tha, and over those far more formidable enemies of 
his country, the Teutones and Cimbri; to see Ma¬ 
rius, whom he had endeavoured to prevent from ac¬ 
quiring his first consulship, crowned with that ho¬ 
nour for several successive years: these must have 
been severe, and very humiliating trials to Metellus, 
but they were extremely beneficial to him. If, after 
such humiliations, we compare him with Marius, we 
shall have an instructive example, to convince us that 
“ the fruits of adversity are often infinitely more 
“ wholesome than those of prosperity.” 

In fact, after he had been supplanted by Marius, 
Metellus seems to have acquired a much higher de- 


QUINTUS C.ECILIUS METELLUS. 


223 


gree of virtue, and a more perfect sense of true 
glory, than lie had ever before possessed. He is 
represented by historians, as one of the most splen¬ 
did characters then in Rome. Whereas, on the 
contrary, Marius, after his return from Numidia, in¬ 
fluenced by a restless and insatiable ambition, be¬ 
came a vicious and dreadful example of the conse¬ 
quences of lawless impunity. 

He had held the consulship for five successive 
years, and the state was now harassed by incessant 
commotions, between the senate and the people. 
The latter, divided into numerous factions, sold their 
votes to the highest bidders; and all the elections 
were decided by bribery. The tribune Saturninus 
obtained a revival of the Agrarian law , and, in con¬ 
junction with Marius, he inserted a clause which re¬ 
quired “ that the senate, in full assembly, should 
“ swear to conform to whatever might be decreed by 
“ the people;” and that all who resisted the oath, 
should suffer the penalty of banishment. The whole 
senate, except one, degraded themselves by submit¬ 
ting to the oath: only one of them supported the 
dignity of his senatorial character, and that one was 
Metellus. His friends entreated him not to throw 
himself into the power of his enemies by refusing; 
but he would not shrink from the dignity of his re¬ 
solution. He chose to suffer whatever punishment 
they might inflict, rather than be guilty of so unwor¬ 
thy an action. In the presence of the assembled 
senate and people, he declared his determination to 
resist the oath; and he supported his determination 
by these memorable words: “To do ill is at all times 
“ shameful: to do well, when it may be done with 
“ safety, is not uncommon: but to do well, in 
u the face of danger, this is the true characteristic of 
“ a really great and good man.” 

Seeing him thus resolute, his friends proposed to 
excite, if possible, an opposition to Marius and Sa¬ 
turninus, which might terminate in their downfall, 


224 QUINTUS CjECILIUS metellus. 

and liis consequent liberation from the oath; hut he 
would not listen to their proposal. He would, on 
no account, consent that, for him, the tranquillity of 
the nation should be disturbed. “ Rather than this 
“ should be the case, (he said,) he would willingly 
“ submit to all the inconveniences of banishment; 
“ for he much more valued the peace of his country, 
“ than a residence in it.” The populace, however, 
were so much enraged at his refusal, that they at¬ 
tempted to kill him, and would probably have done 
so, had not many of the respectable citizens united 
in his defence. Notwithstanding all his endeavours 
to prevent it, the popular commotion w r as so great, 
that, for some time, confusion and slaughter seemed 
inevitable. To prevent this, he endeavoured to 
sooth the exasperated minds of those who had given 
him their support; and voluntarily withdrew himself 
into exile. “ Affairs (said he) will change, and I 
“ shall be recalled; or, if they continue, it is more de- 
“ sirable for me to be absent than present.” “ The 
“ safety of his country (observes Cicero, in one of 
“ his orations) was dearer to him than the sight of 
“ it; and he chose rather to depart from the city, than 
“ from his opinion.” 

He retired to the island of Rhodes; and, in all the 
places through which he passed, he was received 
with admiration and applause. The island, which 
he had thus selected as the place of his retirement, 
was blessed with all the beauties and all the bounties 
of nature. It was, at this time, the seat of com¬ 
merce, of science, and of art; and was the residence 
of many wise and good men. During his continu¬ 
ance in this island, Metellus chiefly applied himself 
to the study of moral philosophy. This not only 
tended to amuse and shorten the tedious days of 
banishment; but was useful, in a more important 
degree, by enlarging and exalting his mind. Thus 
occupied, he could pity even the prosperity of those 


QUINTUS CJ3CILIUS METELLUS. 


225 


seditious and wicked men, by whom he had been 
driven into exile. 

After the departure of Metellus from Rome, some 
of his opponents quarrelled among themselves, and 
their commotion at length broke out into open re¬ 
bellion. This ended in a restoration to power, of 
the friends of Metellus; a repeal of all the acts that 
had been passed during the tribunate of Saturninus, 
and the recall of Metellus. Thus, after having, with 
so much glory, struggled through two years of ad¬ 
versity, he was called to the different, and perhaps 
not less difficult trial of prosperity. But, after his 
return, he preserved the same even tenour of mind 
and of conduct, as he had done in exile. On com¬ 
paring this equanimity with his conduct whilst in 
Numidia, it is impossible not to perceive that, by his 
adversity and his philosophical studies, his mind 
had been greatly improved. 

On his return to Home , he was met, at the gate of 
the city, by the senate and the people. But the 
most happy partaker in the joy of his return, was his 
son. This excellent young man, although he was 
then at a period of life, when he might have been 
looking towards the acquisition of public honour for 
himself, had incessantly laboured to effect the resto¬ 
ration of his father. During the whole period of his 
father’s banishment, he had worn the deepest mourn¬ 
ing; and he had earnestly and unremittingly em¬ 
ployed himself in soliciting the votes of the people 
for his recall. And the tenderness and the earnest¬ 
ness with which he urged his solicitations, at length 
prevailed over the power and the malice of Marius. 
The young Metellus had himself the honour of recall¬ 
ing his beloved parent from banishment; and he 
thence deservedly acquired the appellation of Me¬ 
tellus Pius. Thus did the invincible affection of a 
son, towards his parent in adversity, gain a title far 
more glorious, and more truly admirable, than that 

l 3 


226 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


which any victory, or the conquest of any country, 
ever conferred. 

At the ensuing consular election, the people ex¬ 
hibited their esteem for Metellus, by accepting his 
recommendation to that office, of a person of his own 
name and family; but from this period no event of 
importance, concerning him, seems to have been re¬ 
corded. 

Authorities.— Sallust , Plutarch's life of Marius, Paterculus , 
and Hooke's Roman History. 


QUINTUS SER TORI US. 

A Roman general, who obtained great celebrity during the roars 
in Spain • and who, afterwards, in the quarrels betwixt the 
consuls Cinna and Octavius, took part with the former ; but, 
on the return of Sylla, was compelled to retire into Spain, 
where, for many years, he opposed the whole power of the Ro¬ 
mans, and where, at last , Ac was assassinated, in the year Q 81 0 / 
city, and 73 years before the birth of Christ. 


Plutarch asserts, respecting this eminent Roman, 
that Fortune was always more cruel to him than 
even his most inveterate enemies; yet, that he 
showed himself equal to Metellus in experience, to 
Pompey in Courage, and to Sylla in victories; nay, 
that, even in power, he was a match for the whole 
Roman people, at a time when he was exiled from 
his country and a sojourner among barbarians. 

He was born at Nursia, a town in the country of 
the Sabines; and his father, who was a man of con¬ 
siderable respectability, died when Sertorius was a 
child. His mother, however, whom he tenderly 
loved, gave him a liberal education . Like most 



QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


Os> 7 

/V /V | 

other Roman youths, in the higher ranks of life, lie 
was instructed in such qualifications as would fit him 
for either the senate or the camp; but his inclination 
led him to the latter. 

His first campaign was, with the Roman army, 
under Marius, when acting against the Teutones and 
Cimbri. During one of the battles, in which the 
Romans were defeated, Sertorius had his horse killed 
under him, and received many wounds. Yet, though 
armed with a breast-plate and a shield, he swam 
over the Rhine and effected his escape. 

In a second encounter, the Romans were so dread¬ 
fully alarmeu by the numbers and the menaces of 
their enemy, that it was extremely difficult to pre¬ 
vail with any man to keep his post or to obey his 
general. Marius had, at that time, the command, 
and Sertorius (as was not then unusual with men of 
character and honour) offered his services, to visit the 
enemy’s ranks as a spy , for the purpose of obtaining 
some account of their numbers and situation. Hav¬ 
ing a sufficient knowledge of the Gaulish language, to 
enable him to escape detection, he assumed the dress 
of a Gaul, and mingled with the barbarians. As 
soon as he had ascertained such particulars relative 
to the . state of the enemy as were requisite, he 
returned and communicated them to Marius; and, 
in recompence for his services, he received the esta¬ 
blished rewards of valour. After this, through the 
whole war, he gave such proofs of courage and ca¬ 
pacity, as raised him to distinction, and gained him 
the entire confidence of his general. 

In a subsequent war, Sertorius was employed, in 
Spain, as a legionary tribune under Didius. Here, 
whilst in winter quarters, the soldiers, being in aluxuri- 
ant country, and having little to employ their time, 
became disorderly and undisciplined. This state of 
the army was soon known to the enemy, who re¬ 
solved to attack the town of Castulo , in which a con¬ 
siderable number of the Romans were quartered. 


22 8 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


They did so, and put many of them to the sword; 
but neglected to place a guard near the gate at 
which they entered. Sertorius, perceiving this, col¬ 
lected a party of the men who had fled; and, march¬ 
ing them round the town, entered by the same gate, 
secured the town, and slew a great number of the 
assailants. This was not all. He stripped the bo¬ 
dies, and, having clothed his own men in the gar¬ 
ments of the slain, he marched, in that disguise, to 
the city of the Gyriscenians , from which the enemy 
had come. The inhabitants, deceived by the well- 
known suits of armour, opened their gates and sal¬ 
lied forth, with the expectation of meeting their 
friends and fellow-citizens, in all the joy of success. 
The consequence was, that many of them were cut to 
pieces at the gates, and the rest surrendered them¬ 
selves and were sold as slaves. 

Sertorius had not yet attained the rank of a 
general. After this honour had been conferred upon 
him, his personal bravery was conspicuous on every 
occasion, where it could be exerted. He lost one of 
his eyes in battle; and this loss he afterwards made 
a subject of exultation. “ Few soldiers (he used to 
“ say) are able to carry always with them the 
“badges of their valour; but the indication of my 
“bravery is, at all times, with me; for those who 
“ see my misfortune, behold, at the same time, the 
“ evidence of my courage.” 

The Roman populace treated him with so much 
respect, that, whenever he entered the public places, 
they received him with acclamations and applause; 
an honour which officers, distinguished for their age 
and achievements, were not always able to obtain. 
Yet, when he offered himself a candidate for the 
office of tribune, he was rejected, through the oppo¬ 
sition that was made against him, by the faction of 
Sylla. 

In the year of the city 666, an irreconcilable 
quarrel took place betwixt the two consuls, China and 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


2 20 


Octavius; the former of whom was devoted to the 
popular faction, and the latter to the senate. Ser- 
torius, driven by disappointments and resentment 
into the democratic party, was induced to join Cinna; 
and, such was then the fluctuating and unhappy 
state of the Roman government, that a tremendous 
conflict took place in the forum, betwixt the adherents 
of the two parties. In this conflict, Cinna and Ser- 
torius lost nearly ten thousand men. Marius, hav¬ 
ing been informed that the democratic faction was 
again in force, hastened from Africa to Italy ; and, 
notwithstanding the losses which had been sustained 
by Cinna, he offered his services to that general. 
The prudence and moderation of Sertorius objected 
to the admission of a man of Marius’s character into 
the camp : his objections, however, were overruled, 
and Marius was appointed to command the army. 
Having obtained a considerable reinforcement of 
troops, he led them towards Rome. Metellus and 
Octavius, generals of the senatorial party, in vain 
opposed him : they were abandoned by their men, 
and Marius entered the city. Here he caused mul¬ 
titudes of those who had not saved themselves by 
flight, to be put to death, without even the form of 
a trial, and their property to be confiscated. His 
chief cruelties were directed against the greatest and 
most respectable characters of the senate. The 
city became a dismal scene of robbery, murder, and 
every species of enormity. Sertorius severely re¬ 
proached the authors of these horrid crimes, but 
was unable to prevent them. Marius caused him¬ 
self to be made consul, and suffered his banditti to 
continue their rapine and massacres. His tyranny, 
however, was not of long continuance, for death, 
soon afterwards, terminated his barbarities. 

Sylla returned to Italy, to revenge the injuries 
that had been suffered by his friends; and Sertorius, 
disgusted with the management of the public affairs, 
and commiserating the sufferings of the people, 


230 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


hastened into Spain; hoping that he might be able 
to secure, to himself, the‘government of that coun¬ 
try, and thus have a place of safety, for the retreat 
of his friends. 

On his arrival at the Spanish mountains, the inha¬ 
bitants insisted that he should pay a toll for permis¬ 
sion to cross them. His attendants were indignant 
that a Roman officer should be required to pay toll 
to barbarians. But Sertorius was too wise a man to 
consider himself disgraced by a compliance with the 
demand; and he satisfied the scruples of his officers, 
by saying that, “ time was what he had to pay for, and 
“ that it was so valuable to him, that he must not 
“ refuse.” He consequently paid the demand, and 
proceeded into Spam , without the loss of a moment. 
The Spaniards, having suffered much from the op¬ 
pression and cruelty, the avarice and rapacity of 
former rulers, were not favourably disposed towards 
any Roman governor. To overcome their aversion, 
Sertorius endeavoured to gain the affection of the 
principal inhabitants, by an obliging and affable con¬ 
duct; and, to obtain their favour, he lowered con¬ 
siderably their taxes: but he chiefly obtained popu¬ 
larity, by passing the winter in tents, and thus re¬ 
lieving them from the burden and expence of pro¬ 
viding quarters for the Roman soldiers. Sertorius 
did not, however, depend on the attachment only of 
the Spaniards: he adopted every means of keeping 
them in awe of the Roman power, which could be 
suggested to the mind of an experienced com¬ 
mander. 

When he was informed that Sylla had obtained 
possession of Rome, he was convinced that an army 
would soon be sent to dispossess him of his govern¬ 
ment. He, therefore, without delay, dispatched an 
officer, with six thousand men, to fortify and defend 
the roads through the Pyrenees. The troops of Sylla 
arrived, under the command of Caius Annius. For 
a while they were bravely resisted; but the officer 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


231 


of Sertorius having been assassinated, they were 
suffered to pass. Sertorius, now unable to make any 
effectual resistance, retired, with about three thou¬ 
sand men, to New Carthage, a port on the south¬ 
eastern coast of Spain. He thence embarked, with 
several vessels, for Africa. But, not being permit¬ 
ted to land, he accompanied the vessels of some 
Cilician pirates, to the island of Pityusa , now called 
Ivica. 

Annius approached the island with a numerous fleet, 
and with a body of about five thousand troops. Though 
greatly inferior in force, Sertorius ventured to engage 
him; but a tremendous storm arose, which drove 
many of his ships on shore. Sertorius was, him¬ 
self, prevented, by the storm, from making his way 
at sea, and by the enemy from landing : he was, con¬ 
sequently, tossed about, upon the waves, for ten 
days. At length the wind abated, and, his crew 
being nearly exhausted by hunger, he landed, on a 
small island, to obtain water and provisions, but 
without success. No alternative was left but to sail 
to a part of Spain unoccupied by the enemy. He 
did so, and obtained the relief that he sought. 
Here he found some mariners who had recently 
come from the Fortunate isles; (Canary islands;) 
and so much was he delighted with the description 
they gave of the climate, the soil, and productions of 
these islands, that he suggested to his companions a 
project of retiring thither, to live in tranquillity, 
equally removed from the evils of tyranny and of 
war. 

This project he might, perhaps, have put into ex¬ 
ecution, had not a war broken out in Mauritania , 
which altogether changed his plans. Sylla was de¬ 
sirous of restoring Ascalis, the son of Iphtha, to the 
throne of that country, contrary to the wishes of the 
inhabitants; and Sertorius resolved to sail thither, 
for the purpose of assisting the people. His assist¬ 
ance was peculiarly acceptable to them, for he de- 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


232 

feated the troops of Ascalis in a pitched battle, and 
afterwards besieged him in the place of his retreat. 
Sylla sent a considerable force to the relief of his 
ally; but this, Sertorius also defeated; and, after 
other important successes, he put the inhabitants in 
possession of their cities, and replaced the govern¬ 
ment in their hands. 

The character of Sertorius, as an able and expe¬ 
rienced officer, was now so well established, that he 
received an invitation from the Lusitanians, or. 
Western Spaniards, to take the command of their 
troops against the forces of Sylla. He accepted the 
invitation, and, having sailed thither, was invested 
with almost supreme power. His first procedure 
was to strengthen the army, and to reduce to sub¬ 
mission the neighbouring provinces of Spain. To 
great reputation for clemency of conduct and vigour 
in all his proceedings, Sertorius added no inconsider¬ 
able degree of artifice. He imposed upon the minds 
of this ignorant people, and rendered them subser¬ 
vient to his wishes, by persuading them that he had 
supernatural means of information, by a tame deer , 
which he kept in his camp. 

With two thousand six hundred men, whom he 
had brought from Africa, and four thousand seven 
hundred Lusitanians, he carried on a war against 
four Roman generals, and more than one hundred 
and twenty thousand troops; and was success¬ 
ful in many engagements, both by sea and by 
land. Even Metellus Puis, the son of Metellus Nu- 
midicus, a general of great eminence and reputation, 
was so harassed by this inferior force, that he knew 
not how to act. He had had no experience in the 
climbing of mountains, nor any capacity to vie, in 
flight and pursuit, with men who were as swift as 
the wind; nor could his troops bear hunger, eat 
their food raw, nor lie upon the ground without tents, 
like those of Sertorius. Metellus also was advanced 
in years; and Sertorius was in the vigour of his age, 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


223 


accustomed to bear fatigue, to make long and ha¬ 
rassing marches, to pass many successive nights 
without sleep, and to subsist on the meanest and 
most unpalatable of diet. During his leisure, Ser- 
torius had occupied much of his time in hunting and 
traversing the mountains, in search of game. By 
this means he had acquired an accurate knowledge of 
many passes amongst the rocks, which were wholly 
unknown to the troops of Metellus. This enabled 
him, whenever he was in difficulty, to escape, in 
safety, from the pursuit of his enemies, and to take 
possession of places which were almost unassailable. 

Metellus not being able to come to any regular 
action, suffered all the inconveniences of a defeat; 
and Sertorius gained as many advantages by retreat¬ 
ing, as he could have done by pursuing. If the 
Romans began to march, Sertorius hastened after 
them, to impede their progress : if they continued in 
their camps, he galled them in such manner, that 
they were obliged to quit their post: if they invested 
a town, he soon made his appearance; and, by cut¬ 
ting off their supplies, he besieged, as it were, the 
besiegers. 

It appeared to Metellus that he might be able to 
distress Sertorius, if he could reduce to submission 
the city of Langobriga, the inhabitants of which had 
been of great service to his opponent. This he be¬ 
lieved he should be able to effect by cutting off their 
supply of water. He therefore advanced to the 
walls, and, having made himself master of the 
springs, concluded that they would be obliged to 
capitulate within two days. Sertorius, to relieve 
the distress of his allies, procured two thousand 
skins, filled them with water, and promised a 
considerable reward to a party of Spaniards and 
and Moors, if they should succeed in conveying 
them into the town. These men proceeded along 
the mountains, executed their commission, and 
brought safely away from the town, a great number 


23 4 QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 

of persons who would have been useless in its de¬ 
fence. Metellus, when informed of this manoeuvre, 
w r as excessively distressed; and, his provisions be¬ 
ginning to fail, he was obliged to detach one of his 
generals, with six thousand men, to collect fresh 
supplies. These Sertorius attacked and totally 
routed; and Metellus, amidst the scoffs and ridicule 
of the Spaniards, was compelled to retire. 

Being now without any immediate opponent, 
Sertorius obtained great popularity, among the 
Spaniards, by arming them like the Romans, 
teaching them to keep their ranks and obey the 
word of command; so that, instead of exerting their 
strength in a rude and disorderly manner, as they 
had hitherto done, they were now enabled, regularly 
and systematically, to defend themselves against 
their enemies. But his greatest effort of policy was 
to collect, into one city, the children of the nobility, 
from all the adjacent districts. By means of able 
and accomplished masters, he caused these to be in¬ 
structed in Greek and Roman literature. This pro¬ 
cedure had the appearance only of anxiety for their 
education, that the children might be prepared for 
becoming citizens of Rome, and be qualified for im¬ 
portant commissions. But, being wholly in his 
power, they were, in fact, thus rendered so many 
hostages, for the good conduct of their parents. 
The latter, in the mean while, were delighted to see 
their sons, clad in gowns bordered with purple, walk¬ 
ing in state to the schools : and this without any ex¬ 
pence to them, for Sertorius took upon himself the 
whole charge of the establishment. He even super¬ 
intended the proceedings in the schools, made en¬ 
quiry into the improvement of the children, and 
distributed rewards to those who were most de¬ 
serving. 

It was customary, in Spain, when a general died 
in battle, for all those who fought near his person, 
to die with him; and this manner of devoting them- 


QUINTU9 SERTORIUS. 


285 


selves to death, was called “ a libation .” Sertorius 
was always attended by a great number of Spaniards, 
who had laid themselves under this obligation. On 
one occasion, when he was defeated near one of his 
towns, the enemy pressed so closely upon him, that 
his men, in order to save him, exposed themselves to 
the utmost danger. They raised him from the 
ground, and forwarded him upon their shoulders, till 
he was safely lodged within the walls; and, as soon 
as they had ascertained that he was safe, they dis¬ 
persed, for the purpose of effecting their own 
escape. 

By repeated successes, and by the addition of 
many Roman troops, which had joined him, at dif¬ 
ferent times, Sertorius was at length at the head of a 
powerful force. But most of his men were so im¬ 
petuous, and so impatient of controul, that he had 
the utmost difficulty in commanding them. Having, 
to no purpose, endeavoured to do this, by mild and 
persuasive means, he resolved to let them learn, by 
experience, the consequences that are attendant on 
irregularity of conduct. They had so incessantly 
importuned him, to engage with the Roman army, 
that he, at last, suffered them to do so; and they 
were so severely beaten, that, had he not, by a body 
of reserve, rescued them from destruction, few would 
have returned to the camp, to relate the particulars 
of their disaster. 

The consequence of this defeat was excessive de¬ 
spondency ; and, to arouse them from this, Sertorius 
adopted a very singular expedient. A few days 
after the engagement, he assembled his troops, in 
the field, and produced before them two horses, the 
one old and feeble, and the other young and power¬ 
ful. By the weak horse stood a robust and able- 
bodied man ; and, by the strong horse, a man of di¬ 
minutive stature and contemptible appearance. On 
a signal given, the strong man began to pull, with 
all his might, at the tail of the weak horse; and the 


236 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


little man to pluck off, one by one, the hairs from the 
tail of the great horse. The former tugged, for a 
long time, and with all his strength, but to no pur¬ 
pose ; but the latter, without difficulty, soon stripped 
all the hair from the tail. Sertorius then said: 
“ You see, my fellow-soldiers, how much superior 
“ are the effects of perseverance, to those of force; 
“ and that, in a state of union, there are many things 
“ invincible, which, when separated, may gradually 
“ be overcome. In short, perseverance is irresisti- 
“ ble. By perseverance, Time attacks and destroys 
“ the strongest things. Time is the best ally of 
“ those who have the discernment to use properly 
“ the opportunities which he presents, and he is the 
“ worst enemy to those, who rush into action without 
“ his aid.” 

An extraordinary contrivance which Sertorius 
adopted to subdue the Cliarcilani , excited, among 
the Spaniards, as much admiration as his military 
exploits. The Charcitani resided, not in cities nor 
villages, but in dens and caverns, formed into the 
side of a lofty hill. The soil of the whole surround¬ 
ing country was so light and crumbling, that it 
yielded to the least pressure of the foot, and, when 
touched, rose into the air, like ashes or unslaked 
lime. The inhabitants of these caverns, whenever 
they w r ere apprehensive of danger, retired into them, 
and considered themselves safe from attack. After 
one of his skirmishes with the troops of Metellus, 
Sertorius encamped his men beneath this hill. The 
savage inhabitants of the caverns, imagining that he 
had retired thither after a defeat, offered him many 
insults. Provoked at their conduct, he mounted his 
horse, to reconnoitre the place; but, as he could see 
no part in which it was accessible, he almost de¬ 
spaired of being able to take it, and could only vent 
his anger in vain menaces. At last he observed that 
the wind blew the dust, in great quantities, towards 
the mouth of the caverns; and, on enquiring among 


QU1HTUS SERTORIUS. 


237 


the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, he was 
informed that the wind, at a certain time of the day, 
usually blew in the same direction. He further 
learned that, at this season of the year, in conse¬ 
quence of the melting of the ice from the mountains, 
it sometimes blew with great violence. On this 
information, Sertorius ordered his soldiers immedi¬ 
ately to collect vast quantities of the dry and crum¬ 
bling earth, so as to raise a considerable mount, 
opposite to the hill. The Charcitani, imagining that 
he intended to storm their caverns from the mount, 
laughed at his proceedings. The soldiers, however, 
continued their work till night. At sun-rise, the 
next morning, a breeze sprung up, which removed 
the lightest part of the heap, and dispersed it like 
smoke; and, as the sun rose higher, the breeze 
became so violent as to cover the whole side of the 
bill with dust. To operate with greater effect, the 
soldiers stirred up the heap, and some of them 
galloped their horses up and down it. Tremendous 
clouds of dust were carried into the caves; and 
these, having no opening except the entrance, 
it was with difficulty that the inhabitants could 
either see or breathe. Their provisions were cover¬ 
ed, and every vessel and utensil became filled. In 
wretchedness which is scarcely capable of description, 
they held out for two days; and, on the third day, 
they submitted themselves to the mercy of their 
enemy. By this stratagem Sertorius did not gain 
much strength, but his renown was increased, from 
the circumstance of his having subdued, by policy, 
those whom he would, in vain, have attempted to 
overcome by force. 

After the death of Sylla, and in consequence of 
the old age and inactivity of Metellus, Pompey was 
appointed to the command in Spain. No sooner 
had he passed the Pyrenees, than Sertorius advanced 
to meet him, and every art of generalship was, on 
both sides, employed, in contending for superiority; 


238 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


yet, both in attack and in defence, Sertorius 
appears, in almost every instance, to have had the 
advantage. 

His skill was remarkably exhibited, in the siege 
of Lauron , a strongly-fortified city near the eastern 
coast of Spain. It was garrisoned by Roman 
troops, and, Sertorius having besieged it, Pompey 
marched, with his whole army, to its relief. Near 
the walls was a hill from w r hich the city could be 
greatly annoyed; and Pompey had endeavoured, 
but in vain, to prevent Sertorius from obtaining 
possession of it. Defeated in this project, he posted 
his army betwixt the hill and the town, and, congra¬ 
tulating himself on his success, he sent a message 
to the Lauronites, stating “ that they might be 
“ perfectly at ease; and might quietly sit upon 
“ their walls, whilst they saw him besiege Sertorius 
“ upon the hill.” When that general was informed 
of the message of Pompey, he laughed, and said: 
“I will teach this scholar of Sylla, (for so in ridicule 
“ he w r as accustomed to call him,) that a general 
“ought to look behind him, rather than before him.” 
At the same time he exhibited, to the inhabitants of the 
city, a body of six thousand men, in the camp which 
he had quitted. These he had left for the express 
purpose of attacking Pompey in the rear, when he 
should approach the hill. Pompey did not discover 
the manoeuvre of Sertorius, till it was too late; and, 
when he had discovered it, he did not dare to begin 
the attack, lest he should be surrounded. The con¬ 
sequence was, that he was obliged to act only on the 
defensive, and see the city lost; for the people, 
despairing of assistance, surrendered it to Sertorius. 

During the course of the war, Sertorius received 
some checks; but all these were in skirmishes with de¬ 
tachments of his army; for, wherever he acted in 
person, he was invincible. And so great was his 
skill in rectifying the errors both of himself and his 
officers, that he obtained more applause from this 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. £39 

only, than his adversaries obtained in their most 
brilliant success. 

In the battle of Sucro* the skill of Sertorius was 
signally conspicuous. He had been expecting an at¬ 
tack from the united forces of Pompey and Metellus; 
but Pompey, desirous of appropriating to himself 
the whole merit of the victory, resolved to com¬ 
mence the attack, near the banks of the Sucro, 
before Metellus could join him. This was precisely 
what Sertorius wished. Pie was, however, in some 
degree, deceived; for he found that the wing of the 
army which was opposed to him was not commanded 
by Pompey, but by Afranius, one of his lieutenants, 
and that Pompey commanded the other wing. The 
attention of Sertorius was, therefore, divided. He 
hastened to oppose Pompey, and he so completely 
defeated him, that it was with difficulty he could 
effect his escape. Afranius, however, in the absence 
of Sertorius, overthrew all before him. Sertorius 
returned, rallied his men, opposed Afranius in per¬ 
son, recovered all his losses, and was preparing to 
enter into a final encounter, when the approach of 
Metellus was observed. He was then obliged to 
draw off his troops, but he did it with an air of 
gaiety, saying: “If the old woman had not been 
“ here, I would have flogged the boy well.” 

In a subsequent tremendous conflict on the plains 
of Saguntum , Metellus w r as severely wounded; but 
Sertorius was defeated, and obliged to retreat. 
This, however, was only a partial reverse, for he, 
soon afterwards, recovered his strength, and com¬ 
pelled the Roman armies to separate. Pompey 
became so extremely distressed from want of money 
to carry on the war, that he informed the senate, he 
should soon leave the country, and return to Italy, 
if they did not supply him; and many persons were 


* Sucro was a river of Valentia, the same which is now called the Xnear. 



240 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


of opinion that Sertorius would be in Italy before 
him. So great was the dread which Metellus had 
of Sertorius, that he issued a proclamation, offering 
a reward of an hundred talents of silver, and twenty 
thousand acres of land, to any Roman who should 
take him. 

In his greatest misfortunes, Sertorius never de¬ 
parted from his dignity, nor did he ever lose his 
confidence in his own talents and resources. On 
the other hand, in the midst of his victories, to show 
that he was not, in heart, an enemy to his country, 
he offered, both to Metellus and Pompey, to lay 
down his arms, on condition that he might be per¬ 
mitted to return in the capacity of a private man. 
He asserted that he would rather be the meanest 
citizen in Rome, than command all the other nations 
of the earth, and be an exile from his native land. 

His anxiety to return to his country is said to 
have been occasioned chiefly by extreme attachment 
to his mother. The whole care of his education had 
devolved upon her. She still retained his most 
ardent affections; and these now r received a severe 
shock. He received information of her death; and, 
after the melancholy tidings were communicated to 
him, he gave himself up to the most alarming grief. 
For seven days he would not be seen by even his 
most intimate friends. At last the generals beset 
his tent, and insisted that he should rise from the 
ground, for the purpose of showing himself to the 
soldiers, and again conducting the affairs of his 
army. From this, and from other similar traits of 
character, many persons were inclined to consider 
Sertorius a man of naturally pacific disposition; and 
that, if he had not been goaded by his enemies, into 
opposition, he would have become one of the most 
faithful and most meritorious of the Roman 
citizens. 

Mithridates, king of Pontus, in Asia Minor, sent 
ambassadors to him, in Spain, offering an alliance, 


QUINTUS SERTORIUS. 


241 


and a supply of money and ships of war, on condi¬ 
tion that Sertorius, in return, would aid in establish¬ 
ing his claim to certain parts of Asia, which, after a 
recent defeat, by the troops of Sylla, he had given 
up to the Romans. 

Several Roman patricians, driven from their 
country by the tyrannical conduct of Sylla, 
had found refuge in the army of Sertorius. 
These he called the senate , and by their advice he 
acted, in most of his proceedings. On the present 
occasion, they were unanimous in opinion that he 
should accept the conditions offered by Mithridates. 
He, however, refused to do so, in consequence of 
Mithridates having claimed the government of a 
province, which had belonged to the Romans. In 
whatever circumstances he was placed, Sertorius 
declared that he would not compromise either the 
Roman character or the Roman interest. The 
ambassadors were sent back: Mithridates gave up 
his claim, and a treaty was finally signed, by which 
the latter agreed to send to Spain, money to the 
amount of five hundred and eighty thousand pounds 
sterling, and forty ships of war; and Sertorius, in 
return, w r as to supply Mithridates, with the aid of a 
general officer, and a considerable body of troops. 

Sertorius had so long been in the habit of sub¬ 
mitting his opinions, on all matters of general policy, 
to those Roman patricians who had sought his 
protection, that they, at length, began to consider 
their power equal to his; and to desire that he 
should be subject to their control. As they were 
unable to effect their purposes, in this respect, they 
industriously circulated rumours injurious to his 
fame and character; and sought, by every possible 
means, to ruin him in the opinion of the army. 
They also treated the Spaniards, his allies, with 
great injustice, inflicted heavy punishments upon them, 
and collected from them exorbitant subsidies, as if 
by his order. Hence, many of the Spanish cities began 

M 


242 


QUINTUS SERT0RIU3. 


to waver in their allegiance, and to excite disturbances 
The persons sent to compose these disturbances, 
purposely made more enemies than they reconciled, 
and thus inflamed the rising spirit of disobedience. 
Sertorius, ignorant of the real cause of their enmity, 
departed from his former system of clemency; 
and, according to Plutarch, behaved with excessive 
cruelty towards the children of the Spaniards in 
Oscar , some of whom he ordered to be put to death, 
and others to be sold for slaves. 

At the head of the conspirators, was a Roman 
senator named Perpenna. He and his partisans 
prepared letters to Sertorius, stating that an im¬ 
portant victory had been gained by one of his officers, 
and that great numbers of the enemy had been 
slain. Pretending to rejoice at this success, they 
made a grand supper, and, after much entreaty, 
they prevailed with Sertorius to be their guest. The 
entertainments at which he had, hitherto, been pre¬ 
sent, had all been conducted with the strictest 
decorum; for he would not suffer, in his presence, 
the least indecency, either cf action, or of conversa¬ 
tion. But, on the present occasion, in the midst 
of the entertainment, the company pretended to 
quarrel, they entered into the most dissolute dis¬ 
course, and pretended that drunkenness was the 
cause of their ribaldry. All this was done in a hope 
of irritating him to quarrel with them. But, either 
provoked with their disgusting conduct, or guessing at 
their designs, he changed his posture, and threw 
himself back upon his couch, as though he neither 
heard nor regarded them. Perpenna then took a 
cup of wine, and, as he was drinking, he purposely 
let it fall from his hands. This was a signal for 
attack. One of the men, who sate nearest to 
Sertorius, struck him with his sword. Sertorius 
instantly turned, and strove to rise; but the same 
man threw himself upon his breast, and held down 
both his hands. Being thus unable to defend him- 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


243 


self, the rest of the conspirators dispatched him, 
with many wounds. 

The Spaniards, when informed of the death of 
Sertorius, for the most part, abandoned Perpenna , 
and surrendered themselves to Pompey and Me- 
tellus. Perpenna afterwards headed the troops of 
Sertorius, and ventured to give Pompey battle; but, 
being defeated and taken prisoner, himself, and 
nearly all his accomplices, w r ere subsequently put 
to death. 


Authorities —Plutarch and Appian. 


CATO THE YOUNGER , 

Called also Cato of Utica: a Roman senator and general , 
remarkable for the inflexibility of his disposition , his habits of 
austerity and frugality , and his integrity in the administra¬ 
tion of justice; he was at first the opponent , and afterwards 
the partisan of Pompey . 

After the death of Pompey , he stabbed himself at Utica , in 
the year 701) of the city , and 45 years before the birth of 
Christ. 


Having had the misfortune to lose his parents when 
very young, Cato was left to the care of Livius 
Drusus, his mother’s brother; in whose house he 
was brought up , with his half brother Caepio, and with 
three half sisters. From the earliest period at which 
his intellect began to dawn, he afforded indications 
of a resolute, firm, and inflexible temper. His 
voice, his countenance, and even his diversions, 
showed a firmness of character which neither irrita¬ 
tion nor passion could move. He was slow of 
perception, but tenacious in his retention; for what¬ 
ever he once comprehended, he seems never to have 

m 2 





H4> 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


forgotten, and be overcame every difficulty, by 
perseverance. The inflexibility of bis character, 
perhaps, in some degree, retarded his progress in 
learning; for he could receive no information, with¬ 
out first fully examining it, and satisfying his mind 
respecting it. As a pupil, he was tractable and 
obedient. Whatever his preceptor required to be 
done, he willingly did; but he was always desirous 
of having a reason given for every thing that was 
set him. 

When Cato was a child, not much more than four 
years old, the Roman allies, in different parts of 
Italy, demanded to be admitted citizens of Rome. 
Popedius Silo, who had come to Rome, to solicit 
this right, lodged in the house of Drusus. He soon 
became familiar with the children; and, one day, 
said to them: “ You, my good children, must desire 
“ your uncle to assist us in our solicitation for 
“ this freedom.” Caepio answered with a smile of 
assent; but Cato not only refused to answer, but 
intimated, by his silence and his downcast looks, that 
he should object. Popedius, in joke, took him to 
the window, and threatened to throw him out, if he 
would not consent: he even held him out of the 
window, spoke in a harsh tone, and gave him several 
shakes, as if he was about to let him fall. But, 
finding the resolution of Cato to be immovable, he 
set him down, and whispered to his friends: “ This 
“ child will be the glory of Italy: I am confident 
“ that, if he were now a man, we should not obtain a 
“ single vote from the people.” 

On another occasion, when one of the relatives of 
Cato invited him, with other children, to celebrate a 
birth-day, several of them assembled together to 
play. They formed a mimic court of justice, in 
which some of them were tried, for imaginary 
crimes; and those who were found guilty were 
afterwards conveyed to prison. One of them, 
after having been condemned, was shut up, in a 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


24 5 


distant apartment, by a bigger boy, who acted as 
officer. The prisoner called out to Cato; who, as 
soon as he understood that he had been oppressively 
and unjustly condemned, ran to the door, and, push¬ 
ing away all those who opposed him, carried off the 
child, and went home in great anger. This oc¬ 
currence, trivial as it may now appear, is said 
to have aided, with other circumstances, to gain him 
great reputation. 

On a particular occasion, Sylla chose to exhibit a 
kind of tournament of boys. For this purpose, he 
selected two bands of young gentlemen, and as¬ 
signed to them two captains. One of these they 
readily accepted, because he was a near relation of 
Sylla; but the other, although he was a nephew of 
Pompey the Great, they rejected. Sylla asked 
whom they would have in his stead; they instantly 
and unanimously said, “Cato:” and the boy ap¬ 
pointed by Sylla, readily yielded the honour, to one 
who was universally acknowledged superior to all 
the boys of his own age. 

The abilities of Cato were so great, that Sylla was 
accustomed frequently to invite both him and Csepio 
to his house, where he talked with great familiarity 
to them, which he did to very few. Cato was now 
in his fourteenth year; and Sylla’s house appeared 
like a place of public execution, in consequence of 
the number of people who were tortured and put 
to death there. One day, seeing the heads of seve¬ 
ral great men brought in, and observing many of 
the persons present, to sigh deeply at these scenes 
of blood, Cato whispered, to Sarpedon, his preceptor: 
“ Why does not some one kill that man ?” meaning 
Sylla. “ Because (replied Sarpedon) they fear him 
“ more than they hate him.” “ Give me then a 
“ sword, (said Cato,) that with it I may free my 
“ country from slavery.” Sarpedon, seeing his 
countenance fired with rage, was terrified lest his 
youthful passion, though instigated by a just indig- 


246 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


nation against the oppressor of his country, should 
lead him to some unjustifiable act, in seeking to rid 
it of so despicable a tyrant. From that time, there¬ 
fore, he watched all the actions of the boy, with the 
closest attention. 

As the feelings of Cato were acute, so his attach¬ 
ments were ardent. From his earliest childhood, 
his affection for his brother was remarked by all who 
knew him. This affection increased with his years; 
insomuch that, when he had attained the age of 
manhood, he was never happy unless Csepio was 
with him. They, however, differed much both in 
character and in habits. Csepio was effemi¬ 
nate, and was partial to the use of perfumes; 
Cato disliked effeminacy, and, through his whole 
life, and in all his habits, was plain and austere. 

At a very early age, Cato became acquainted with 
Antipater , the Stoic philosopher; and, finding that 
the principles which were taught by him, corre¬ 
sponded with his own natural disposition, he cordially 
embraced them, and adhered so steadily to them, 
that he was afterwards considered one of the chief 
ornaments of that sect. He had a strong regard for 
virtue; and his.notions of justice were so severe and 
inflexible, that he w'ould not even listen to a possi¬ 
bility of its being influenced either by favour or 
compassion. 

Like most other eminent Romans, he as¬ 
siduously applied himself to the study of ora¬ 
tory ,, that he might be fitted for taking a leading 
part in the public assemblies. And, to strengthen 
his constitution , he accustomed himself to the most 
laborious exercise. Fie often went bare-headed, 
both in the hottest and the coldest weather; and he 
travelled, on foot, at all seasons of the year. In 
many instances, the friends wdio accompanied 
him were on horseback; and, in this case, he would 
join sometimes one and sometimes another, for tffe 
pleasure of their conversation, as he went along* 


MARCUS POIICIUS CATO. 


24 7 


As the manners of the Romans were, at this time, 
extremely corrupt, and their luxurious mode both of 
clothing and living were, in the highest degree, 
blameable; Cato considered it requisite, in various 
particulars, to act contrary to the usual prac¬ 
tice. The richest and brightest purple that 
could be obtained, was the fashionable colour for 
dress; and cloth of this colour was sold at a most 
extravagant price: he consequently chose always to 
wear black. It was his frequent practice to walk 
out, after dinner, bare-footed, and without his gown: 
not that he sought reputation from peculiarities like 
this, but that he was desirous of accustoming him¬ 
self to be ashamed at nothing, except what was 
vicious. This principle may, however, be carried 
much too far; and, even in Cato, it appeared an 
extreme affectation of singularity. 

During a considerable part of his life, when he went 
to either public or private entertainments , it was his 
practice to rise from table, after having drunk once; 
but, in process of time, he became fond of drinking, 
and, as it is said, would sometimes spend the whole 
night in conviviality. His friends accounted for 
this habit, by stating, that “ the business of the 
“ state occupied his attention through the whole 
“day; and that, in consequence, he was induced to 
“ indulge in the relaxation of spending his evenings 
“in conversation with philosophers.” 

The paternal estate of Cato, is said to have been 
valued at about one hundred and twenty talents, 
(tw T enty-seven thousand pounds sterling,) and 
he succeeded to another estate worth one hundred 
talents. The latter, he immediately converted into 
ready money, which he kept by him, that he might, 
at all times, have it in his power to serve such of 
his friends as needed assistance. Before the acqui¬ 
sition of this property, he had, in many instances, 
mortgaged his paternal estate to the public treasury, 


248 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


for the purpose of supplying the wants of his 
friends. 

He married a female named Attilia; but, on ac¬ 
count of her misconduct, he obtained a divorce; and 
he subsequently married Marcia, the daughter 
of a person named Philippus, and a lady of ex¬ 
emplary virtue. 

The first office which Cato obtained from the 
people, was that of military tribune; and, in this 
capacity, he was sent into Mace don , under Rubrius, 
the praetor there. Pie took with him fifteen slaves, 
two freed men, and four of his friends. The latter 
rode on horseback, but Cato always marched on 
foot; and he had so inured himself to the exercise 
of walking, that he had no difficulty in keeping pace 
even with the horsemen. 

After he joined the army, he rendered the legion 
which he commanded a model of discipline, for he 
was equally respected and beloved by his soldiers. 
In his apparel, his diet, and manner of marching, he 
was was more like a common soldier than an offi¬ 
cer; but, in virtue, courage, and wisdom, he exceed¬ 
ed most commanders. 

The affection of Cato for his brother , was strongly 
exhibited whilst he was with the army in Macedonia. 
He was informed, by letter, that Csepio had been 
taken ill at CEnus, in Thrace. It was now the mid¬ 
dle of winter, the sea was extremely rough, and no 
large vessel could be procured. Cato, however, was 
not to be deterred from going to him. Pie sailed, 
from Thessalonica, in a small boat; and, at the 
utmost hazard of his life, he succeeded in reaching 
CEnus. Not long after his arrival there, Caepio expired; 
and Cato, forgetting his stoical principles, lamented 
the loss of his former associate, with expressions of 
the most poignant regret. He celebrated his fune¬ 
ral with great magnificence; and he erected a splen¬ 
did monument to his memory. This was not indeed 
accordant with the simplicity of character, which he* 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


249 

in general, professed ; but it shows that, although 
he was firm and inflexible with regard to the solici¬ 
tations of pleasure and of importunity, yet it was 
possible for him to be overcome by the emotions of 
tenderness and sensibility. 

* At the expiration of his tribuneship, Cato left the 
army; and his departure was marked by the most 
affectionate regret, both of the officers and men. 
Before he returned to Rome, he resolved to travel 
through a considerable part of Asia Minor, that he 
might witness the manners and customs of the inha¬ 
bitants, and examine the military strength of the 
various provinces in that part of the globe. 

As he travelled with only a small retinue, he 
often experienced an unfavourable reception; but, 
when he reached the camp of Pompey, who was then 
at Ephesus, carrying on a war against Mithridates, 
that general received him with the most distinguish¬ 
ed marks of respect. After this, the cities through 
which he passed, seem to have vied with each other 
in the expression of their regard, and in the mag¬ 
nificence of the entertainments which they gave to 
him. Between Dejotarus, king of Galatia, and the 
father of Cato, there had subsisted a very ardent 
friendship. That monarch, therefore, had earnestly 
requested of Cato to visit him; he was also desirous 
to recommend his children to the protection of a man 
for whom he entertained a sincere regard. On 
Cato’s arrival, Dejotarus offered him many valuable 
presents, and strongly urged him to accept them; 
but Cato refused them all. After he had proceeded 
a day’s journey from the palace, he found, at Pcssi - 
mis, a still greater number of presents, with a letter, 
from Dejotarus, entreating of him to receive them: 
“ or (says he) if you will not yourself accept them, 
“ permit, at least, your friends to do so. They de- 
“ serve some reward for their services, yet they can- 
“ not expect it out of your estate.” Some of his 
companions were, visibly, much disappointed at his 

m 3 


25 0 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


refusal; yet Cato would not suffer them to be touch¬ 
ed. “Corruption (said he to them) will never want 
“ a pretence; but you shall, at all times, freely 
“ share with me whatever I can obtain with justice 
“ and with honour.” 

After his return to Rome, Cato assiduously ap¬ 
plied himself to study; and, though he was nowin 
his thirty-second year, and was, consequently, of a 
sufficient age for the quaestor ship, he would not so¬ 
licit that office until he had, in every respect, fully 
qualified himself for it. And when, at last, he was 
elected, he introduced many important reformations, 
and discharged the duties of the office with almost 
unexampled fidelity. The people spoke loudly in 
praise of his indefatigable industry; and, indeed, his 
application was almost incessant. He was in the 
treasury from morning till night; and there was no 
assembly of the people, nor any meeting of the 
senate, that he did not attend; so attentive was he to 
the correct management of public affairs. At the 
expiration of his office, he was conducted to his 
house by nearly the whole body of citizens. But 
his attention to the duties of it did not now cease. 
He still kept a vigilant eye upon the treasury, and 
passed much of his time in inspecting the public ac¬ 
counts. Whenever the senate was summoned to 
meet, Cato was the first to attend and the last to 
withdraw; and, that he might not lose anytime, it 
was his frequent practice, (whilst the rest of the mem¬ 
bers were assembling,) to sit down and read, holding 
his gown before his book, that it might not be seen. 

The reputation of Cato for invincible integrity was 
so great, that, at length,it became proverbial among 
the people. Hence, when any thing incredible was 
asserted, it was customary to say that “ they would 
“ not believe it, even if it were affirmed by Cato.” 
One of the Roman orators, in a cause where only a 
single witness was produced, exclaimed, to the 
judges; “ The evidence of one man is insufficient, 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


251 


u even if that man were Cato.” A man profuse in 
his expenditure, and, in all respects, a worthless 
character, one day speaking, before the senate, in 
praise of temperance; he was thus instantly opposed 
by another: “ It is not to be endured, (said his op- 
“ ponent,) to hear a man, who eats and drinks like 
“ Crassus, and builds like Lucullus, pretend to talk 
“ like Cato.” 

The friends of Cato were desirous that he should 
offer himself for the tribunes hip; but he refused to 
do so, asserting that he was not yet sufficiently pre¬ 
pared for the office. An occurrence, however, 
which, not long afterwards took place, induced him 
to change his mind. He was, one day, proceeding 
to his country seat, in Lucania, accompanied by a 
few of his philosophical friends, when he met a 
great number of horses and attendants, belonging 
to Metellus Nepos, the brother-in-law of Pompey. 
This person was going to Rome, for the purpose of 
offering himself a candidate for the tribuneship. 
Cato, apprehending that he might entertain designs 
that were inimical to the welfare of the state, imme¬ 
diately returned to the city, and became his oppo¬ 
nent. No sooner was it known that Cato had re¬ 
turned, and was a candidate for this office, 
than the people flocked around him, with so much 
zeal and eagerness, that it was with great difficulty 
he could even make his way to the forum. Both he 
and Metellus were chosen. 

It had, for many years, been customary to influ¬ 
ence the election of consuls by bribery. This was 
a practice so injurious to the state, that Cato publicly 
declared, “ he would accuse, before the Roman tri- 
“ bunals, any man who was guilty of it.” In his 
procedure, on this subject, he was, however, charged 
with an undue partiality: he excepted Silanus, who 
was married to one of his sisters, and he accused the 
consul Muraena, who was not more guilty than 
the other. Cicero was the advocate of Muraena, 


252 


MAiVCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


and pleaded his cause with great eloquence. He 
was acquitted; and it is highly to his credit, that, 
instead of resenting the conduct of Cato, he always, 
afterwards, treated him with the greatest respect; 
and, through the whole of his administration, exhi¬ 
bited towards him every possible mark of honour and 
of confidence. 

Before Cato entered upon his office of tribune, he 
took an active part against Publius Cornelius Len- 
tulus, and some other accomplices of Catiline , who 
had formed a plan for burning the city and over¬ 
turning the government. He made a memorable 
speech against them in the senate, in which also he 
strongly inveighed against the corrupt manners of 
the age. He concluded his speech by stating, 
it was absolutely necessary that all the conspirators 
should be put to death; and the senate were influ¬ 
enced by him to pass a decree for that purpose. 

Pompey was, now, at the head of the Roman 
army in Syria; and a law had been proposed 
for recalling him, for the alleged purpose of pre¬ 
serving the city from the danger of Catiline’s con¬ 
spiracy. The real design, however, was to deliver 
the republic into his hands; for he had contrived to 
prevail with the people, to invest him with almost 
absolute power. The firmness of Cato alone preserved 
the government; but, in consequence of his oppo¬ 
sition to those projects, which, in case of their success, 
would, probably, have terminated in the misery 
of the people, he was exposed to great personal 
danger. Pompey, being informed that it was im¬ 
possible for him to accomplish his designs, without 
the concurrence of Cato, sent to him a friend, to 
propose an alliance by marriage. He was desirous 
of himself marrying the elder, and his son the 
younger, of Cato’s two nieces. But Cato, without 
hesitation, replied: “ Go and tell Pompey that I 
“ am not to be gained by female influence, though I 
“ otherwise much value his kindness. So long as 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


253 


“ Pompey acts honourably and justly, he shall find 
u in me a friendship more firm than any alliance; 

“ but I will not give hostages to Pompey’s glory, 

“ against my country's safety.” 

This reply, laudable as it was, proved injurious 
to his country ; for Pompey, soon afterwards, esta¬ 
blished a connexion with Caesar; and the united 
power of these two eminent men, gave rise to the 
civil wars which followed, and which terminated in 
the destruction of the government. But, in whatever 
manner he acted, Cato had an extremely difficult 
task to perform. He had to preserve a government 
which was undermined by the intrigues of men great 
in power, and sunk in luxury and corruption: he 
had to oppose the corruptions both of the patricians 
and plebeians. 

Pompey returned to Rome, and, to increase his 
popularity, he projected the establishment of the 
Agrarian law, in favour of the army. This was 
strongly opposed by Cato, and was, in consequence, 
laid aside. After Caesar’s return from Spain, that ge¬ 
neral acted in conjunction with Pompey; and, among 
other measures to acquire popularity, they again 
proposed the passing of laws for the distribution of 
lands among the poor. Cato, suspecting the evil 
designs of this apparent favour conferred upon the 
people, was strenuous in opposing it. He foresaw, 
and expressly stated, that the intention of Pompey 
was not to benefit the people ; but merely to entice 
them to confer power on those by whom the favour 
should be obtained : that, in fact, the people were 
deceiving themselves, and would, in the end, be the 
sufferers. This, eventually, proved the case. The 
whole popular voice, however, being against him, 
and, consequently, all opposition being useless, he 
was persuaded, by Cicero, and other opponents of 
the measure, to yield to the public opinion. He did 
so; and the Agrarian law was passed. Cato had 
long foreseen the evil consequences that would re- 


254 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


suit from the alliance betwixt Caesar and Pompey ; 
but could not prevent them: “We have lost our 
“ liberty: (said he) there is an end of the republic.” 

Elated with his success, Caesar proposed a law for 
distributing part of the province of Campania 
amongst the poor. Cato alone opposed it; and, al¬ 
though Caesar occasioned him to be dragged from 
the bench in the senate and conveyed to prison, this 
independent Roman could not be prevented, as he 
passed along, from exhorting the people to consider 
well the evil consequences that would result from 
such proceedings. The most virtuous of the 
senators, alarmed at the conduct of Caesar, 
followed Cato to prison; and Caesar, beginning to 
fear that his violence might excite general odium, 
secretly directed that one of the tribunes should 
rescue Cato from the officers and liberate him. 

The virtuous character and independent conduct 
of Cato, determined his opponents to remove him, 
for a while, out of the country. For this purpose 
they induced the tribune Clodius to procure an order 
for him to go, on a special commission, to the island 
of Cyprus. He was thus, for a while, prevented 
from opposing the projects of Pompey and Caesar. 
As soon, however, as the duties imposed on him had 
been discharged, he returned to Rome . When the 
arrival of his fleet in the Tiber was announced, the 
magistrates and priests,, the senate, and great multi¬ 
tudes of the people, went to the bank of the river to 
receive him; and the senate, afterwards, voted to 
him some distinguished honours; but he thought it 
proper to decline them. This took place in the 
six hundred and ninety-sixth year of the city, and 
in the thirty-eighth year of his age. 

About this time Caesar, meditating the most am¬ 
bitious projects, set out for the western parts of Eu¬ 
rope. His design was to conquer Gaul, to bring 
back his victorious bands into Italy to subvert the re¬ 
public, and then to raise himself to supreme power. 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


255 


After some time, and after he had obtained many im¬ 
portant victories, he contrived to obtain interviews 
with Pompey and Crassus, in which it was agreed 
that the two last should be candidates for the con¬ 
sulship, that Caesar should retain his command five 
years longer, and that they should be careful to se¬ 
cure to themselves the best provinces, revenues, and 
troops. This was nothing less than a division of the 
state, and a direct plot against the established liber¬ 
ties of the people. 

Pompey and Crassus were, accordingly, elected 
consuls; and Cato, watchful for the public welfare, 
and well knowing that they contemplated the de¬ 
struction of the government, was resolved, to the 
utmost of his power, to oppose their tyranny. He, 
therefore, offered himself a candidate for the prcetor - 
ship; but Pompey, by united violence, artifice, and 
bribery, prevented his election, and caused that 
office to be filled by a man of worthless character. 
At the close of the election, Cato, standing up in the 
assembly of the people, foretold, as if, by inspiration, 
all the calamities which afterwards befel the state; 
and earnestly exhorted the people to be on their 
guard against the projects of Pompey and Crassus. 

In the ensuing year he was a candidate for the 
same office, and succeeded; and the rectitude of his 
conduct and the equity of his judgments, were the 
subject of universal approbation. But he gave con¬ 
siderable offence by his want of dignity, whilst in the 
act of administering of justice. When the weather 
was hot, he would often sit, on the praetorial bench, 
without his robe and shoes; and, in this state, 
would hear the trials, and would give judgment upon 
personages of even the first rank in Rome. His 
enemies asserted that he had sometimes been known 
even to pass sentence, when in a state of intoxica¬ 
tion; but of this there is not the slightest proof. 

He, fearlessly, proceeded in the performance of 
his duty. Among other things he resolved, if it 


256 


II ARC US PORCIUS CATO. 


were possible, to extirpate the extreme corruption 
which, at that time, was prevalent in elections of 
almost every description. For this purpose, he 
moved that a law should be passed, requiring, of 
every candidate, that he should declare, upon oath, 
the manner in which he had gained his election. 
This gave so much offence, that, as Cato was one 
morning proceeding to the tribunal, he was so ex¬ 
cessively insulted by the mob, that it was not with¬ 
out difficulty he escaped with his life. On reaching 
the tribunal, he stood up, and his firm and dignified 
aspect soon hushed the clamours and disorder of 
the populace. He afterwards addressed them on 
the subject, and was heard with general attention. 
The senate declared their approbation of his con¬ 
duct; but he replied, that no compliment could in 
return be paid to them ; for they had deserted their 
praetor, when even his life was in danger. His law, 
however, was passed, and it had such an effect, that 
the candidates for the tribuneship of that year, 
agreed that each should deposit, in the hands of Cato, 
a sum of money equal to about four hundred pounds, 
to be forfeited to the public, if he should be found 
guilty of bribery. Cato refused to take the money, 
and only required that each of the candidates should 
find security. On a subsequent conviction of one of 
them, Cicero is said to have exclaimed: “O happy 
“ Cato, from whom no one dares to ask a dishonest 
“ thing!” On another occasion, Cicero declared that 
“ if the elections should go on freely and without 
“ bribery, Cato alone would have effected more 
“ than all the laws and courts of justice of the re- 
“ public.” 

Pompey adopted every possible mode of injuring 
the character, and diminishing the reputation, of this 
eminent Roman; and he elevated his own credit and 
authority to such a pitch, that, in the year of the city 
701, he caused himself to be elected consul, and to 
be invested with the privilege of choosing for himself 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


257 


a colleague. The state of the public affairs, at this 
time, must have been indeed bad, for this unprece¬ 
dented election had the assent of Cato, who declared 
that any government was better than anarchy and 
confusion. Indeed, so much discord did actually 
prevail in Rome, that there were almost incessant 
riots, disturbances, and assassinations, among the ad¬ 
herents of those who were candidates for public of¬ 
fices. 

Pompey w r as so much delighted with the assent of 
Cato, that he invited him to his house; received him 
with the most marked indications of kindness; en¬ 
treated to assist him in the administration, and, 
in particular, to preside at his councils. Cato re¬ 
plied, that “ he had not formerly opposed Pompey 
“ from any motives of private enmity; and that, on 
“ the present occasion, he had not supported him 
“ from personal favour; but that, in both, lie had 
“ been actuated by an anxious desire for the welfare 
“ of the state: that, in private, he should always be 
“ glad to assist him with his counsel; but that, in 
“ public, he wmuld not be deterred from speaking 
“ his sentiments, whether they might be favourable 
“ or obnoxious to the plans which might be pro- 
“ posed.” And he adhered to this declaration; for, 
in several instances, afterwards, he publicly reproved 
the conduct of Pompey. 

Caesar, wdio, during several years, had been occu¬ 
pied in carrying on war against the western nations 
of Europe, had gained many important victories. He 
had attacked the Germans, though at peace with the 
Romans, and had slain no fewer than three hundred 
thousand of them. Some of the citizens proposed, 
in the senate, that a general thanksgiving to the 
gods should be decreed, for his success ; but Cato 
was of a different opinion. He strongly opposed it, 
and said, that “ Caesar ought to be delivered up to 
“ the vengeance of those nations whom he had so 
“ unjustly attacked.” When Caesar was informed of 


258 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


this opposition, he wrote a severe letter against him. 
This was read in the senate, and afforded Cato an 
opportunity of speaking strongly, respecting the 
conduct and designs of Caesar. These he fully ex¬ 
posed ; and he stated to the senate, in distinct 
terms, that “ Rome had nothing to fear from any of 
“ the enemies against whom Caesar was contending, 
“ but only from Caesar himself.” On a subsequent 
occasion, when the designs of Caesar became evident, 
Cato asserted, in the senate, that “ now was 
“ coming to pass the very event which he had so 
“ long foretold.” 

This proved to be the case. News was shortly 
afterwards brought, that Caesar had crossed the Ru¬ 
bicon, and was advancing, with his army, towards 
Rome. It was now acknowledged by all, that 
“ Cato alone had distinctly foreseen, and as distinctly 
“ foretold, the intentions of Caesar.” Cato said that 
“ if the senate had followed his advice, they would 
“ not, at this time, have been reduced to the neces- 
“ sity of fearing one man, nor of depending upon one 
“ man for safety-” 

As it was now but too evident that Caesar was 
looking forward to the supreme power, Cato, to 
counteract his projects, thought it requisite to advise 
that the chief command should be given to Pompey: 
f$ For those (said he) who have been the authors of 
“ great evils, can best remove them.” But, had the 
constitution of the republic been still unshaken ; had 
the nobles and the people acted with cordiality and 
firmness, both Caesar and Pompey ought to have 
been deprived of their command. Cato joined Pom¬ 
pey, because, by so doing, he believed that he was 
adopting the only means that were left, of endea¬ 
vouring to restore the liberties of his country : but it 
appears that liberty was in equal danger from Caesar 
and from Pompey. 

A civil war took place in consequence of the quar¬ 
rel between these two commanders. Pompey retired 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


259 


into Thessaly, where he was followed by Caesar; and, 
in a battle which was fought on the plains of Pharsalia, 
he was defeated. He escaped thence into Africa; and 
Cato, informed of the course that he had taken, hastened 
alter him, with all the troops that he could collect. 
On reaching the coast of Africa , he was informed of 
the death of Pompey. The troops now declared 
that they would follow no other leader than Cato; 
he consequently took upon himself the command, 
and marched into Libya , intending to join Scipio, 
the father-in-law of Pompey. The march was pain¬ 
ful and hazardous, through sandy and inhospitable 
deserts. Notwithstanding this, Cato proceeded all 
the time, on foot, undergoing the same hardships 
and inconveniences as his men. Caesar afterwards 
landed in Africa, to attack the Roman forces which 
were in that country; and Cato, after having given 
up the command of his little army to Scipio, has¬ 
tened to Utica. This place he furnished with am¬ 
munition and provisions, and rendered sufficiently 
strong to sustain an attack, if Caesar should approach 
it. He also advised Scipio, as he had done Pompey, 
not to risk a general engagement, but to prolong the 
war, and endeavour to wear down the strength of 
his enemy, by incessantly harassing him. Scipio, 
however, despised the advice and was overthrown. 

After this, Caesar advanced to Utica, and Cato 
made every preparation that he considered requisite 
for supporting a long siege; but, finding the inha¬ 
bitants and many of his soldiers unwilling to concur 
with him, he resolved to terminate his life, that he 
might not fall into the hands of Caesar. He, how¬ 
ever, studiously concealed his intention from his 
friends. 

For such of his adherents as were desirous of escap¬ 
ing by sea, he provided ships and w hatever else was ne¬ 
cessary ; and he gave money and other requisites, to 
those who wished to escape by land. To the people of 
Utica he advised that, without delay, they should send to 


260 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


Caesar, and endeavour to make their peace with 
him. 

In the evening Cato bathed, as usual; and then 
went to supper with a large company, consisting of 
his friends and of the magistrates of Utica. After 
supper, the conversation was carried on with much 
animation. Several philosophical questions were 
proposed and discussed. Among other subjects of 
discussion, was that maxim of the stoics: “That the 
“ wise or good man only is free, and that all wicked 
“ men are slaves.” On this subject Cato spoke with 
so much earnestness, that several persons in the 
company began to suspect his design. A profound 
silence followed, and Cato immediately changed the 
discourse. 

When the supper was over, he walked a little 
while, with his friends, and then gave the requisite 
orders to the captains of the guard. He afterwards 
retired into his chamber, and, having embraced his 
son and each of his friends, with more than usual af¬ 
fection, took leave of them for the night. Lying 
down on his couch, he read Plato’s Phaedon, or dia¬ 
logue on the immortality of the soul. When he had 
perused the book about half through, he looked up, 
and saw that his sword w r as not hanging, as usual, 
at the head of his bed; for his son had taken it away, 
during the supper. He ordered it to be brought; 
and, after various excuses and delays, it was again 
suspended in its place. After this he again took up 
the book, and having read it aloud twice through, 
he slept till about midnight, when he called for two 
of his freed men. One of these, named Butas, he 
sent out, to enquire if all his friends had embarked. 
Butas, in a short time returned, and stated that 
“ they w r ere all gone.” Cato once more laid down, 
as if to sleep; and Butas closed the door and left 
him. Immediately afterwards, Cato took up his 
sword and stabbed himself under the breast. Strug- 
gling, in the agonies of death, he fell from his bed. 
The noise alarmed his friends, who instantly rushed 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


561 

into the room. They found him weltering in his 
blood, and made some attempts to save his life; but 
he tore open the wound with his hands, and, soon 
afterwards, expired, in the forty-ninth year of 
his age. 

The intelligence of his death was soon circulated 
through the city; and the inhabitants flocked round 
the house, calling Cato their benefactor and their 
saviour, the only free and unconquered man. Although 
they knew that Caesar was fast approaching the place, 
they performed the funeral obsequies of Cato with 
the greatest magnificence. They buried him by the 
sea-side, where, in the time of Plutarch, about one 
hundred and seventy years afterwards, his statue 
still remained. From the circumstance of his death 
at this place, he has since been called Cato of Utica . 

When Caesar was informed of what had taken 
place, he is reported to have exclaimed, “ Cato, I 
“ envy thy death, since thou couldst envy me the 
“ glory of preserving thy life.” There can be little 
doubt that Caesar would have rejoiced to save the 
life of Cato, if he could have secured the influence of 
of so eminent a man, in promoting the schemes of 
ambition which at this time occupied his mind. But 
Cato was not likely to have countenanced any pro¬ 
ject of Caesar, for he had, long before, declared that 
if Caesar proved victorious, he would terminate his 
existence. 

For united valour and patriotism, Cato was indis¬ 
putably the most celebrated character of his time. 
In every public situation, he acted with a great and 
independent spirit; the spirit not of turbulence and 
faction, but of true patriotism, of eager contention 
in support of the established laws and government of 
hiscountry. Sallust saysof him, that he was “a lover 
“ of moderation, of propriety, and, above all, of 
“ strict discipline. He did not seek to vie with the 
“ rich in riches, nor in faction with the factious; but 
“ in bravery with the brave, in modesty with the 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 


£62 

“ modest, and in abstinence with even the most 
“ abstemious. He chose rather to be good, than to 
“appear so.” Much of his anxiety and some of his 
most powerful exertions were employed in resisting 
and counteracting the effects of the luxury and cor¬ 
ruption of the times. Fearless and intrepid, he 
performed his duty in opposing the turbulent dema¬ 
gogues among the Roman people; equally unmoved 
by the tumult and violence of the plebeians, and by 
the threats and hatred of the great. He was invin¬ 
cible by all the temptations that could be proposed, 
and superior to all the insults and ridicule which 
could be cast upon him, by men, who, at the same 
time that they pretended to treat him with contempt, 
really most envied his glory. On the tribunal of 
justice, he had the esteem and the confidence of 
every unbiassed Roman; for he was far above all 
influence, either of corruption or of fear. In the 
office of quaestor, or manager of the public treasury, 
Cato exhibited the most shining abilities, and the 
utmost diligence and fidelity. He reduced the 
national accounts, from a state of confusion into good 
order; and took care that the public should neither 
do nor suffer wrong. He very much improved the 
condition of the Roman treasury, and rendered it 
evident that a state may be rich without oppress¬ 
ing the people. In the senate he was much ad¬ 
mired, for his eloquence, his industry, and integrity. 
From the day on which he first took his seat with 
that body, he applied himself, with the most inde¬ 
fatigable diligence, to public business; and it is 
his senatorial integrity which chiefly merits attention. 
He was here, uniformly, the same honest man as 
when seated on the bench of the judges: was intre¬ 
pid in whatever he thought would be beneficial to 
his country; and his sagacity in detecting and in 
unveiling the secret views and projects of Pompey 
and of Caesar, appeared, after the event, to be 
truly prophetic. 


MARCUS PORCIUS CATO* 


Notwithstanding these highly estimable and ad¬ 
mirable traits of character, there were some weak¬ 
nesses in Cato, which it is requisite to mention. 
Even his virtues appear to have been strained to too 
high a pitch. His apparent magnanimity is consi¬ 
dered, in some instances, to have originated in pride. 
His manners were sometimes harsh and morose, and 
his apparent simplicity degenerated into singularity. 
He became so fond of social enjoyments, that he 
frequently prolonged them through a great part of 
the night. Caesar once reproached him, on this subject, 
but in such a manner (says Pliny) as to exalt the cha¬ 
racter of Cato, while he endeavoured to expose it. He 
stated, that “ while Cato was going home from one 
“ of his evening parties, in a state of intoxication, 
“ with his head covered, that he might not be 
“ known, some persons whom he met, uncovered 
“ his head; but they were so ashamed when they 
“ discovered who it was, that it might have been 
“ thought Cato had detected them, and not they 
“ Cato.” His conduct respecting his wife Marcia 
has been much censured. Pie gave her to Horten- 
sius the orator, after whose death he took her again; 
but it must be observed that, in doing this, he 
only acted according to a practice which had long 
been admitted amongst the Romans. Cato was 
unhappy in his family; his son was immoral, 
his two sisters were notorious for their miscon¬ 
duct, and his second wife did not wholly escape the 
suspicion of irregularity. His daughter Porcia, 
however, who was married to Marcus Junius Brutus, 
was much admired for her virtues; and was not 
inferior to her father, either in prudence or in 
fortitude. 

With regard to the death of Cato , we have, in the 
first place, to consider that suicide, with a heathen, 
was a very different crime from what it is with a 
Christian. The heathens were left to the guidance 
of their own reason; but Christians have an express 


264 MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. 

rule of action, furnished to them by divine revelation. 
That the heathens had very uncertain notions on 
this, as on other subjects which concern a future 
state of existence, may be collected even from the 
circumstance of Cicero, in one place, saying that 
“ Cato died in such a disposition of mind, that he 
“ was happy in having found a cause for quitting 
“life;” and, in another place, that “ we ought not 
“ to quit the present life without the order of the 
“ deity who has placed us in it.” Many of the 
heathens considered the suicide of Cato as the act of 
a noble mind; but it was censured by some even of 
them. Martial says, “ I prefer the man who de- 
“ serves renown for bearing his misfortunes patiently, 
“ and not him who kills himself to get rid of them.” 

It has been well observed that, “ a due considera¬ 
tion of the perpetual mutability of human affairs, is 
one of the many supports which reason, even unas¬ 
sisted by revelation, offers against despair. It is 
impossible for any one to be certain that his condi¬ 
tion in life is really and absolutely desperate. Per¬ 
haps, even at the very time when his circumstances 
appear to him most extreme, a considerable change 
of fortune may be approaching. Had Cato, in his 
last studies at Utica, sufficiently attended to the 
doctrines in Plato’s Phaedon, which is stroq^ly decla¬ 
rative against suicide, and had he followed the 
example of the other senators, in prudently retiring 
from the untenable post of Utica, he would have 
found, in Spain, the power of the Roman patriots 
rising with such strength, as, soon afterwards, even 
without the assistance of Cato’s name, to reduce 
Caesar to a situation of peril and difficulty, from 
which it required his utmost efforts to extricate 
himself.” 

Authorities.— Plutarch , Ajyiian, Ctftsar, and Pliny' 1 s Epistles * 



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205 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 

A Roman orator , statesman , and philosopher , of extraordinary 
talents ; chiejly remarkable by his success in having exposed 
and terminated the conspiracy of Catiline against the Roman 
capital and government. 

At the instigation of Antony , he xcas assassinated , during the 
second triumvirate , in the year 712 of the city , and 42 j/carj 
before the birth of Christ. 


The accounts which have been given of the family 
of Cicero, are various. Some writers assert that his 
father was a fuller, and that himself was brought up 
to the same trade. Others say that he was 
descended from an ancient and honourable family, 
which had been of equestrian rank, since the time 
of its first admission to the freedom of Rome. He, 
indeed, styles himself a “ novus homo,'” or “ new 
“ man;” not, however, necessarily because his family 
was new or ignoble; but, probably, because he was 
the first member of it who had sought and obtained 
the public offices of the state. His paternal appel¬ 
lation was Tullius, and he w’as the first of his family 
who bore the surname of Cicero. 

Plutarch says that this name originated in ridi¬ 
cule, and in consequence of his having had, upon his 
nose, a flattish excrescence, resembling, in shape, a 
vetch, the latin word for which is “Cicer;” but 
others say that the first person who bore it, was 
remarkable for the cultivation of vetches. He was 
himself so proud of it, that, on his first application 
to business, when his friends advised him to lay it 
aside or change it, he answered, that “he would 
“ endeavour to render the name of Cicero more 
“ glorious than that of the Scauri and Catuli.” 
When he w r as quaestor in Sicily, he consecrated, in 
one of the temples, a vase, or some other offering, 
in silver, on which he inscribed his first two names, 

N 



266 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


Marcus Tullius; and, punning upon tlie third, he 
ordered the sculptor to engrave a vetch. Such are 
the accounts that have been given of his name. 

Cicero was born at Arpinum, a city of the Sam- 
nites, now part of the kingdom of Naples, on the 
third of January, in the year of the city 647, and 
107 years before the birth of Jesus Christ. In 
whatever rank of life his father may have been, there 
can be little doubt that he was a wise and a learned 
man, and that he devoted much of his attention to 
the education of his sons. Cicero and his brother 
were brought up by him, with their cousins, the sons 
of their uncle Aculeo; and, at a very early period, 
were placed under the tuition of Lucius Crassus, a 
man of rank, and celebrated both for his learning 
and eloquence. 

As soon as Cicero was capable of a more liberal 
instruction, his father placed him at a public school 
in Rome, under an eminent Greek master. Here 
he exhibited the first indication of those shining 
abilities which afterwards rendered him the admira- 
tton of all his contemporaries. His school-fellows 
related such stories of his extraordinary talents, that 
their parents often visited the school, for the purpose 
of witnessing the literary performances of so surpri¬ 
sing a youth. 

The taste of Cicero seemed chiefly to lead him to 
the acquirement of general literature, but he had 
both capacity and inclination, to attain a knowledge 
of the arts; and there was scarcely any branch of 
science of which he was ignorant. He wrote some 
poetry, but this was less esteemed than any of his 
writings. H is indefatigable attention far surpas¬ 
ses what we generally conceive of study. It is said 
that the time other young men of his age usually gave 
up to pleasure, was, by him, regularly added to his 
hours of intense application; and that he never 
devoted one leisure hour to absolute idleness. After 
he had completed those studies which are usually 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


267 


pursued by boys, he attended the lectures of Philo, 
the academician, a man greatly admired for his 
eloquence. He, at the same, time, acquired a know¬ 
ledge of the law under Mucius Scaevola, an eminent 
lawyer, and the president of the senate; and he, 
subsequently, attained some knowledge of the mili¬ 
tary art under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But 
afterwards, finding the commonwealth engaged in 
civil commotions, which were likely to terminate in 
an absolute monarchy, he wholly occupied himself 
in study. 

He now attended the pleadings in the courts of 
justice, and the public speeches of the magistrates; 
and, before he ventured to plead in public himself, 
he studied the law in all its branches; so as to be 
able to sustain a dispute on any question, with even 
the most distinguished professors of his time. De¬ 
sirous of attaining eminence as an orator, he studied 
intensely, every subject which was likely, in future, 
to occupy his attention, or to promote his views. 
It was his regular practice to take notes and make 
comments on what he read; and he long continued 
a plan, which he had adopted from a very early 
period of his youth, and which had been recom¬ 
mended to him by several eminent orators, of trea¬ 
suring, in his memory, the substance of what he 
read, and then expressing the same in different 
words, and in the most elegant manner that he was 
was able. He also translated, into his own lan¬ 
guage, the finest speeches of the Greek orators. 
For the sake of practice, he frequently declaimed in 
Greek; as the superior copiousness of that language, 
supplied him with a greater variety of elegant ex¬ 
pressions, than his own. 

In the year of the city 673, and when Cicero was 
only twenty-six years of age, he gave great offence 
to Sylla, but at the ssme time, obtained considerable 
fame, by pleading the cause of a young man, who 
had unjustly suffered from one of the arbitrary acts 

n 2 


268 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


of that tyrant. Sylla, who then held the two offices 
of dictator and consul, had caused the estate of a 
citizen, who had been proscribed, and executed, to 
be sold by auction. The purchaser was a favourite 
of Sylla, and consequently had no opponents, and 
the sum that he paid for it, was only about seventy- 
five pounds of English money; although Roscius, 
the son of the deceased, declared it to be worth 
more than fifty thousand pounds. Sylla, enraged at 
this declaration, caused the youth to be accused of 
the murder of his father, and appointed the very 
man to whom the estate had been sold, to be the 
manager of the trial. Fearing, lest he should be 
overwhelmed by the power of the dictator, Roscius 
applied to Cicero; and the friends of the young 
orator entreated him to undertake the cause, as he 
would, probably, never have a more glorius oppor¬ 
tunity to enter the lists of fame. He accordingly 
undertook the defence of Roscius'; and pleaded, in 
his favour, so powerfully, as not only to acquire 
great applause, but to convince the judges of 
the innocence of his client, and to obtain his 
acquittal. 

But, fearing lest he should suffer from the resent¬ 
ment of Sylla, Cicero soon afterwards went into 
Greece, stating, that it was requisite for him to do 
so, on account of the bad state of his health. This 
reason was the more easily admitted, as he was of 
weak and slender habit of body, and had, by no 
means, a strong constitution. His voice had, in¬ 
deed, a great variety of inflexions, but it was harsh 
and unmanageable; and as, in the vehemence of 
speaking, he always elevated it to a loud pitch, there 
was reason to apprehend that if he did not, for a 
while, refrain from public speaking, his health might 
be seriously injured. 

Greece was, at this time, a country much fre¬ 
quented by Roman tourists; by men who travelled 
either from motives of curiosity or for improvement. 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


269 


Cicero proceeded to Athens , the chief seat of arts 
and of science. Here he spent nearly two years, in 
improving himself under the most celebrated Gre¬ 
cian orators; and, before he left the place, he is said 
to have outstripped all his masters. His health 
was re-established, and his voice, at the same time 
that it was full and sonorous, had become so 
manageable, that he no longer experienced any 
inconvenience from declaiming in public. 

From Athens he passed into Asia; and, wherever 
he went, he attracted the attention of all the princi¬ 
pal orators. Before his return to Rome, he visited 
the island of Rhodes. Here, as in Athens, he 
declaimed in Greek, before many of the most learned 
men of the island. Apollonius Molo, at this time 
peculiarly famous as an orator, was astonished at 
his eloquence; and, one day, whilst the rest of a 
large company were vying with each other, in their 
encomiums on the youthful orator, he sate silent, 
and apparently absorbed in study. Cicero asked 
him the cause: “Alas! (said he) I admire your 
“ abilities; but I lament the fate of Greece. 
“ The only glory we had left, was that of eloquence; 
“ and of that you will, shortly, strip us, and trans- 
<{ plant it in Rome.” 

Whilst Cicero was absent from Rome, he received 
intelligence of Sylla’s death; and his friends became 
impatient that he should return. He consequently, 
soon afterwards, terminated his travels, and landed 
on his native shore. From his travels he had 
derived the most important benefit. His time, so 
far from having been occupied in pastime and frivo¬ 
lous amusement, had been wholly passed in esta¬ 
blishing his health and improving his mind: and his 
previous education had qualified him for deriving 
every possible advantage, from whatever he could 
either see or hear. 

On his return to j Rome, Cicero applied himself to 
public business, and with the most sanguine hopes 


270 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


of success. By his own inclination, as welLas by the 
desire of his father and friends, he adopted the pro¬ 
fession of the law, as that by which he was to at¬ 
tain distinction; and he soon became one of the 
most distinguished of the Roman OTators. A pecu¬ 
liar quickness in repartee and sarcasm animated his 
pleadings, and was of great service to him, in the 
business of the forum. 

In his thirty-first year, he was appointed qucestor, 
at a time when there was a great scarcity of corn; 
and, having Sicily for his province, he afforded a 
very important relief, to his countrymen, by sending 
great quantities of corn thence to Rome. This was, 
at first, the cause of much dissatisfaction in the 
island; but, by his invariable regard to justice and 
moderation, the inhabitants were afterwards induced 
to esteem him more than any quaestor whom the 
Romans had hitherto sent. 

Cicero had the fault of excessive vanity . He had 
imagined that, during his absence, his fame had ex¬ 
tended through all parts of Italy; and in one of his 
orations he relates that, on his return from Sicily to 
Rome, his vanity received a somewhat severe check. 
When he passed through Puteoli, a city at that time 
much frequented by company, who went thither to 
drink the waters, he was surprised to find that no¬ 
body knew of him, and that he could mix, undistin¬ 
guished, among the crowd. He asked a person of 
some eminence, with whom he was acquainted, what 
the people of Rome thought of his actions; but he 
was still more surprised by this gentleman (who 
was even ignorant of his late public employment in 
Sicily) asking him, “ Why, Cicero, where have you 
been all this time?” So dispirited was he with these 
discoveries of his own apparent unimportance, that 
his ambition, for a little while, received a severe and 
useful check. He now saw, in a more correct view 
than he had ever before done, that the contention 
for glory had neither measure nor bounds. But his 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


271 


immoderate love of praise, and his ardent passion for 
glory, soon returned, and, during the remainder of 
his life, often interrupted even his best and wisest 
designs. 

He now resolved to settle in Rome , to live there 
constantly in the view of his fellow-citizens, and at¬ 
tentively to pursue his professional avocations at the 
Roman bar. He is said, however, to have lived upon 
the profits of a small estate which he possessed, and 
not to have taken either fees or presents, for his ser¬ 
vices as an advocate. This was peculiarly remark¬ 
able in tbe case of Verres, who had been preetor in 
Sicily, and had committed innumerable acts of in¬ 
justice and oppression in that island. The inhabi¬ 
tants employed Cicero to conduct their prosecution 
of him; and he even went into Sicily to collect his 
facts and witnesses. These he brought, like a thun¬ 
derbolt, against the accused; and, by one speech, in 
which he produced witnesses of every fact that had 
been alleged, he raised such a storm of indignation 
against him, that Verres was advised not to wait for 
judgment, but to escape immediately from the 
country. 

In the ensuing year Cicero was appointed to the 
office of cedile , and was more economical than most 
of his predecessors had been in the public shows, 
which his office obliged him to exhibit. But he ac¬ 
quired great esteem by the liberality with which he 
relieved the citizens of Rome, who were still afflict¬ 
ed with a scarcity of provisions. The Sicilians, in 
return for his services to them, sent him a great 
number of valuable presents. But he was so far 
from applying these to his private advantage, that 
he made no other use of them than to lower the price 
of provisions. 

Cicero had, at this time, a country seat at Arpi- 
num, a town of the Volsci; a farm near Naples, and 
another at Pompeii; but none of them were very 
valuable. With his wife Terentia he had a fortune 


27 2 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


equal to about four thousand five hundred pounds of 
our money, and he became heir to about three thou¬ 
sand pounds more; and upon this properly he lived 
in a genteel, but frugal manner, associating chiefly 
with literary men, both Greeks and Romans. It is 
stated that he seldom took his meal before sun-set; 
that the general weakness of his constitution re¬ 
quired him to be peculiarly attentive to his health ; 
and that, by temperance and management, he gained 
a sufficient stock of health to enable him to sustain 
the great labours and fatigue of his profession. 

He purchased a house on the Palatine Hill. This 
he chose, that those who attended or had occasion to 
consult him, might not have far to go; for he, every 
day, had a levee as numerous as those of the most 
powerful men in Rome. 

As there was no honour in the state to which he 
might not pretend, Cicero found it his interest to cul¬ 
tivate the favour of the people; and, though he ap¬ 
pears to have had the love of his country at heart, it 
must be acknowledged that he sought also to ac¬ 
quire the esteem of the great, by accommodations, 
which cannot wholly be defended. Pompey, for 
instance, was seeking to establish a pow r er, beyond 
the limits of the constitution; yet the necessity 
which Cicero found, for that great man's support,, 
made him subservient to his ambitious views. 

When he was in his fortieth year, he was a candi¬ 
date for the proctorship; and although he had many 
competitors, who were persons of distinction, he suc¬ 
ceeded. As a president in the courts of justice, he 
acted with great integrity. Although fully em¬ 
ployed in the duties of his office, so great w r as his in¬ 
dustry, that he still found time to act as an advocate 
as well as a judge : not only to hear causes in his own 
tribunal, but also to plead them before the tribunals 
of the other praetors. At the expiration of his office 
he declined to accept any foreign province, the 
usual reward of that magistracy. But Cicero had 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


273 


no love of money, nor any genius for military affairs ; 
so that those governments had no charms for him. 

The consulship was the chief object of Cicero’s am¬ 
bition ; and, two years after the expiration of his 
praetorship, he offered himself for it, and was success¬ 
ful. One of his inducements to offer himself, at 
this time, was the hope of being able to save his 
country from the effects of an impending conspiracy, 
which, if successful, he knew would inevitably ter¬ 
minate in general ruin. Lucius Catiline , a bold and 
enterprising man, had long entertained treacherous 
designs against the government, and, by various arts, 
had engaged a great number of persons to concur 
in his views. He had brought his plot to such a 
state of maturity, that he even ventured to offer him¬ 
self, a competitor with Cicero, for the consulship. 
Cicero had occasioned some laws to be passed which 
tended to repel the designs of the conspirators; and 
Catiline laid a scheme to kill him, at the succeed¬ 
ing election of consuls. Information of this was 
given to Cicero; and, on the day of election, he clad 
himself with armour under his robes. The principal 
persons of Rome conducted him, from his house, to 
the Campus Martius. There he threw back his 
robe, and displayed the armour, for the purpose of 
pointing out his danger. The people, enraged by 
the atrocity of the conspirators, immediately crowded 
round to protect him. The consequence was that, 
although Catiline was again a candidate, he was 
again rejected. Thus rendered desperate, he sum¬ 
moned his party by night; and they agreed upon a 
plan for setting fire to the city, assassinating the 
principal senators, and seizing the capitol. 

When the adherents of Catiline were preparing to 
carry this diabolical plan into execution, Crassus, 
Marcellus, and Metellus Scipio, went to Cicero’s 
house about midnight. They knocked at the door, 
and, having roused the porter, bade the man awake 
his master, and tell him who attended. The cause 

n S 


274 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


of their visit was this. The porter of Crassus had 
received from a person unknown, a packet of letters. 
These were directed to different persons, and there 
was one for Crassus himself, but they w r ere all with¬ 
out signature. The letter to Crassus, informed him 
of the massacre projected by Catiline, and warned 
him to retire out of the city. It was this letter 
which induced him to confer w 7 ith his two friends, 
and which led them all to Cicero. After a consult¬ 
ation of some time, it was agreed that Cicero should 
assemble the senate at the break of day. This was 
done: the letters were delivered according to the 
directions, and, at the request of Cicero, each was 
read aloud. They all gave the same account of the 
conspiracy. 

In consequence of these informations, the senate 
passed a decree, “ That the consuls should act in 
“ such manner as they should think best for the 
“ preservation of the commonw'ealth.” To Catiline 
no time was to be lost. He, consequently, hastened 
his infamous purposes; but, by the vigilance of 
Cicero, they were greatly impeded. He consequent¬ 
ly formed a plan for the assassination of Cicero, but 
this was communicated to him by Fulvia, a woman 
of quality, who had held a criminal correspondence 
with one of the conspirators. Two persons, who 
were not publicly known to be concerned in the 
conspiracy, were directed by Catiline to go to 
Cicero’s house, early in the morning, and, under a 
pretence of paying their compliments, were to attack 
and kill him. As soon as it was light the assassins 
went, but were denied admission. 

Cicero next assembled the senate in the temple of 
Jupiter, a place in which it seldom met, except 
during times of public alarm. Catiline came, as if 
with a design to make his defence; but all the sena¬ 
tors shrunk from him, and left him alone, on the 
bench upon w r hich he sat. The audacious appear¬ 
ance of the traitor, in this place, drew, from Cicero, 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


275 


that memorable burst of eloquence, which is still 
extant, and which is called the “ first oration against 
“ Catiline.” He indignantly detailed, in the presence 
of that traitor, the discovery of his treasons, and the 
certainty of the punishment which awaited the proof 
of them. He detailed to the senate many particulars 
that had occurred, and many plans that had been 
arranged at the meetings of the conspirators; but, 
to prevent any confusion in the state, from the 
capital punishment of so many persons of rank as 
appeared to be implicated in the conspiracy, he 
merely ordered Catiline to quit the city: telling him 
that the gates were open to him, and that no one 
would prevent his departure. 

In vain did the traitor attempt to reply to the 
convincing proofs of his guilt that had been ad¬ 
duced; and, finding it impossible any longer to w ear 
the mask, he rushed from the senate-house, vowing 
that “ he would extinguish, under the ruins of his 
“ enemies, the fires which they were lighting around 
“ him.” The event fully justified the political 
sagacity of Cicero. Catiline hastened from Rome, 
with about three hundred desperate men, and, 
proceeding into the country, assembled a consider¬ 
able body of troops. 

Several of his adherents still continued in Rome. 
These were kept together and encouraged, with 
hopes of final success, by Cornelius Lentulus, a man 
of noble birth, but who had been expelled the senate 
for his debaucheries. Catiline resolved, if possible, 
to destroy the whole senate, and many of the citi¬ 
zens; and to burn the city. The night was fixed, 
and all the arrangements were made; but this plot 
was also discovered by the indefatigable exertions of 
Cicero; for he had emissaries in every part of the 
city, who held a secret correspondence with many 
that had pretended to join in the conspiracy. 

A messenger, carrying letters to Catiline, was 
intercepted. The letters were found to be of great 


276 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


importance. Cicero read them to the senate, and 
took the depositions of witnesses to many facts, 
which proved the designs of the conspirators. Len- 
tulus now found himself so entirely detected, that 
he resigned his office, put off his purple robe, and 
took another, which was more suitable to his situa¬ 
tion; and he and his accomplices were delivered into 
the custody of the praetors. 

On the ensuing day the senate met, to deliberate 
on the punishment which should be inflicted on the 
conspirators; and, after much debate, they were 
condemned to die. The sentence had no sooner 
been passed, than Cicero, at the head of the senate, 
went to the houses in which the criminals were 
lodged. He first took Lentulus, and, conducting 
him through the forum, to the prison, delivered him 
to the executioner. He afterwards brought out 
each of the others, and they were successively ex¬ 
ecuted. The principal persons in Rome attended 
the consul as a guard on this occasion; and the 
people looked on, in silent horror, at the scene. On 
his return through the forum, after the death of 
these men, Cicero saw a great number of others, who 
had been implicated in the conspiracy. These were 
anxious to know the fate of their leaders; and 
Cicero called out to them, “They have lived.” This 
was the mode in which the Romans, (to avoid what 
were considered by them inauspicious words) were 
accustomed to express death. The consul thus ful¬ 
filled a promise which he had made, in his second 
oration against Catiline, to quash the conspiracy 
without tumult*. 

So great was the popularity that Cicero acquired, 
by the suppression of this conspiracy, that, on his 


* Caius Antonius, the colleague of Cicero in the consulship, now marched into 
Etruria, and there destroyed the ill-disciplined troops of Catiline; and Catiline 
himself, resolving not to outlive the ruin of his party, rushed into the ranks of 
his enemy, and was killed. 



MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


277 


return to his house, the people saluted him with loud 
acclamations of applause. The streets were illumi¬ 
nated with a multitude of lamps and torches; and 
the women are said to have held out lights from the 
tops of the houses, that they might behold him whom 
they called “the saviour and second founder of 
“ Rome.” This was esteemed the most illustrious 
day in the life of Cicero; but it afterwards proved 
to him a source of the greatest misfortunes. 

The natural vanity of Cicero was so much elated 
by his success, and by the popularity which he had 
acquired, that he rendered himself obnoxious to 
many persons, by incessantly boasting of his late 
proceedings. Whenever he entered the senate, the 
assemblies of the people, or the courts of justice, he 
invariably contrived to allude to them; and all his 
writings contained the strongest encomiums on his 
own actions. 

The honours which he had acquired, excited 
considerable jealousy; and many powerful men in the 
state, of whom Caesar was one, seized every possible 
opportunity of mortifying him. On the last day of 
his office, when he was about to make a speech to 
the public, before he took the usual oath “ that he had 
“ faithfully discharged his duty,” the tribune, Me- 
tellus, would not suffer him to do so; and directed 
him merely to take the oath; asserting that, “the 
“ man who had put citizens to death, ought not to 
“ be permitted to speak for himself.” On this, 
Cicero, who was never at a loss for a reply, instead 
of pronouncing the ordinary form of the oath, swore 
aloud, that “ he had saved the republic and the city 
“ from ruin.” The project of Metellus failed. The 
populace joined in the oath, and conducted Cicero 
from the place, with every possible demonstration 
of respect. 

Although Cicero was excessively vain of his own 
talents and actions, he was not so narrow-minded as 
to deny to others a due share of credit. There was 


278 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


not one of his contemporaries, celebrated either for 
his eloquence or philosophy, whose fame he did not 
seek to promote, either by speaking, or by writing, 
in his commendation. He, how r ever, made many 
enemies by the keen sarcasms , in which he occasion¬ 
ally indulged. Plutarch has recited several in¬ 
stances of these. On one occasion, he pleaded for 
Munatius; and, by his masterly defence, obtained 
the acquittal of his client. Afterwards, this Muna¬ 
tius prosecuted one of Cicero’s friends, which so 
much enraged him, that Cicero exclaimed: “Think 
“ you it was the merit of your cause that saved you: 
“ it was the cloud which I threw over your crimes, 
“ that concealed them from the sight of the court.” 
On another occasion, he had succeeded in an enco¬ 
mium on Marcus Crassus; and, a few days after¬ 
wards, he as publicly reproached him. “ How can 
“ this be ? (said Crassus,) did you not lately praise 
“ me, and in the very place where you now stand?” 
“ True, (answered Cicero,) but I did it only by 
“ way of experiment, to see what I could make of a 
“ bad subject.” Crassus once affirmed that none of 
his fam ily had lived beyond the age of threescore years: 
but, afterwards, desirous of contradicting the asser¬ 
tion, he said: “ What could I be thinking of, when I 
“said so?” “You wish now to deny it, (observed 
“ Cicero,) because you know that the truth of such 
“ an assertion would be very agreeable to the 
“ people of Rome.” 

From the time of his consulate, the influence of 
Ci cero began to decline. The rising popularity of 
Ceesar, the triumphal return of Pompey from Asia, 
and his reconciliation w r ith Crassus, which laid the 
foundation of the first triumvirate, occupied the 
minds of men, and confined the stream of power to 
that particular channel. Cicero, sensible that a 
storm was gathering around him, employed himself 
chiefly in literary pursuits, and in his professional 
avocations. 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


279 


Shortly after this, he incurred the hatred of 
Publius Clodius, a noble Roman, but a young man 
of violent and abandoned character. Clodius was 
prosecuted for the violation of certain mysteries, 
in an attempt to obtain access to Pompeia, the wife 
of Caesar; and Cicero appeared as an evidence 
against him. By corrupting the judges, Clodius, 
however, contrived to obtain an acquittal; and, 
afterwards, being created a tribune, he had influence 
sufficient to obtain a law, that “ any person who 
“ had caused a Roman citizen to be put to death, 
“ without a judicial sentence, should be sent into 
“ banishment.” Cicero, though not named in this 
law, well knew that it was aimed at him. He, there¬ 
fore, changed his usual dress, and assumed the habit 
of a criminal. This, he soon found to have been a 
very imprudent act; for Clodius and his adherents 
publicly insulted him, wherever he appeared. Ma¬ 
ny members of the senate, and nearly the whole 
equestrian order, changed their habits, and clad 
themselves in deep mourning; but the consuls, by 
their edict, commanded them to resume their usual 
attire. 

The power of Clodius now became so great, that 
it was requisite for Cicero either to remain in Rome, 
and openly to defend himself; or, to retire from the 
the city, until the fury of the storm which had been 
raised against him, should be spent. Cato advised 
him to adopt the latter plan. Consequently, about 
midnight, he privately quilted Rome; and, attended 
by a few friends, he proceeded, on foot, through 
Lucania, intending thence to pass into Sicily. 

After his departure, Clodius occasioned a decree 
to be issued, prohibiting him, under pain of death, 
from approaching within five hundred miles of 
Rome. He also caused the houses of Cicero, both 
in Rome, and in the country, to be burnt; and that 
the loss of the former might be irretrievable, he 
consecrated the site on which it had stood, and built, 


280 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


upon it, a temple to the goddess Liberty. The fur¬ 
niture, and other effects of Cicero, were put up to 
public auction, for several successive days; but 
it is stated that no one could be induced to pur¬ 
chase them. 

In his progress through the country, this eminent 
Roman was every where received with demonstra¬ 
tions of respect. But his intention of residing in 
Sicily, was frustrated, by the praetor forbidding his 
entrance into that island. Cicero, consequently, 
directed his course, through Greece, to Thessalonica , 
in Macedonia. Here great numbers of people came 
to pay their respects to him; and the cities of 
Greece strove with each other, which should show 
him the most distinguished attention. He was now 
in his forty-ninth year. 

Cicero did not conduct himself, during his banish¬ 
ment, with that fortitude which might have been 
expected from a man of his powerful mind. He 
was dejected and disconsolate; and exhibited indi¬ 
cations of weakness, and uttered expressions of 
grief, that were wholly unworthy of his character. 
The melancholy tone in which his letters were 
written, during this sad period of his existence, have 
drawn upon him the censure of weakness. But 
allowance must be made for a mind exquisite in its 
texture, though great in its compass; for sensibility 
flushed and warm with recent glory; and for splen¬ 
did genius torn from the community which it had 
saved and adorned. 

Clodius, who was now the pest of the Roman 
republic, had but a temporary triumph. He had 
become formidable to the patricians; and, having 
drawn the populace into the most audacious inso¬ 
lence and effrontery, he ventured to attack Pompey. 
The latter severely blamed himself, for having 
abandoned Cicero; and took every possible means 
for effecting his return; and, as Clodius constantly 
opposed the proceedings of the senate, that body, at 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


281 


length, decreed that no public business whatever, 
should be dispatched by them, till Cicero was re¬ 
called. The sedition increased: some of the 
tribunes w r ere wounded in the forum: and Quintus, 
the brother of Cicero, was left for dead among the 
slain. 

The people, ever changeable, after awhile, began 
to unite against Clodius. He was expelled, with 
disgrace, from the forum, and the I'ecall of Cicero 
was proposed. No measure had ever been carried 
with greater unanimity than this. The citizens, 
from various distant parts of Italy, flocked to Rome, 
and gave it their support; and, after a decree to 
that purpose had been passed, the news of it was 
received at the theatres with the loudest acclamations 
of applause. One of the actors, in invoking the 
name of Brutus, substituted that of Cicero ; and the 
audience were so much delighted with the alter¬ 
ation, that they called for the speech over and 
over again. 

After an absence of sixteen months, Cicero was 
restored to his country. It was decreed that all his 
houses, both in the town and county, which had 
been demolished by Clodius, should be rebuilt at 
the public expence. And, on his return io Rome , so 
much joy was expressed by the cities, and so 
much eagerness by all ranks of people, to meet 
him on the road, that his own account was said to 
fall short of the truth, though he remarked that 
“ Italy had brought him on her shoulders to 
“ Rome.” 

This was a proud day for the Roman orator; but 
it afforded one more test of the inconstancy of the 
populace, and of the little esteem in which popular 
favour ought to be held. Many of the men who 
were now foremost in expressing their applause, had 
been the most active in promoting his banishment. 

Cicero was restored to his former dignity; and, 
soon afterwards, during the absence of Clodius from 


282 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


Rome, he went up, with a great company, to the 
capitol, and there destroyed the tribunitial tables, 
in which were recorded all the acts that had been 
passed, in Clodius’s time. The persecutions he had 
undergone, rendered Cicero more cautious in his 
political conduct than he had hitherto been. He 
studied to keep on good terms with Pompey, Caesar, 
and Crassus; and he exercised his eloquence chiefly 
as defendant, for the purpose of securing to himself 
personal friendship. 

Clodius was killed in an affray with Milo, a friend 
of Cicero; and Milo, being accused of this murder, 
engaged Cicero in his defence. The senate, to pre¬ 
vent the possibility of tumult, appointed Pompey 
to preside at the trial; and he, to secure the peace 
of the city, surrounded the forum with soldiers. 
Apprehensive lest Cicero might be disconcerted at 
so unusual a sight, and thereby be rendered unable 
to plead, Milo prevailed with him to go in a litter, 
to the forum; and to repose himself there until the 
judges and court were assembled. It is well known 
that this great orator was often extremely nervous 
when he spoke in public; and, in many of the 
causes that he pleaded, he scarcely ceased from 
trembling, even in the height and vehemence of his 
address. On the present occasion, when he left the 
litter, and saw Pompey seated on high, and beheld 
the weapons glistening around the forum, he was so 
confused, that he could scarcely begin his oration. 
His whole frame shook, and his tongue faultered. 
After a little while, he recovered, and his speech, 
which still exists, is one of the most splendid exam¬ 
ples of eloquence that has been recorded. But, 
notwithstanding all his exertions, Milo was con¬ 
victed, and sentenced to banishment. 

In his fifty-sixth year, he was appointed pro- 
consul into Cilicia; and, though much against his 
inclination, was obliged to accept the government of 
that province. He consequently sailed thither, with an 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


283 


army of twelve thousand foot, and one thousand six 
hundred horse; and, during his term of service, he 
executed the commissions with which he was en¬ 
trusted, in every respect, to the satisfaction of the 
Roman government. Impatient, however, to return 
to Rome, he left the province, at the expiration of 
a year, to the care of his quaestor, and set out for 
Italy. In his passage home he stopped at Rhodes , 
and he afterwards resided for a little while at 
Athens. 

On his arrival in Rome , he found the flame of 
dissension kindled, and every thing tending to a 
civil war, in consequence of the ambitious projects 
of Caesar and Pompey , and the unhappy quarrel 
which had taken place between these two eminent 
men. The senate decreed to Cicero the honour of 
a triumph, in reward for his services; but he replied, 
that “ he would rather follow the chariot wheels of 
“ Caesar in his triumph, than have any triumph of 
“ his own, if a reconciliation could be effected be- 
“ twixt him and Pompey.” And, in private, he 
tried every mode that he could devise, for bringing 
about a reconciliation, but to no purpose. After an 
open rupture had taken place, and Caesar was on his 
march towards Rome, and Pompey had retired from 
the city with many of the principal inhabitants in 
his train, it was generally imagined that Cicero 
would join the former. But, after much apparent 
perplexity, as to the line of conduct which he should 
adopt, he, at last, went over to Pompey. Cato was 
of opinion that, in so doing, he had acted with great 
impolicy, and thus wrote to him: “ I should have 
“ been wrong to have left that party whose cause I 
“ had espoused from the beginning; but you might 
“ have been much more serviceable both to your 
“ country and to your friends, if you had continued 
“ in Rome, and had acted as the circumstances of 
Ci the times might require. Whereas you have, 
“ unnecessarily, declared yourself an enemy to 


284 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


“ Caesar, and will share in dangers with which, hi- 
“ therto, you have had nothing to do.” 

Cicero soon discovered that he had acted wrong; 
and it appears that he acted still more so, in making 
no secret that he repented of his conduct. He dis¬ 
paraged the whole of Pompey’s proceedings, insinu¬ 
ated a dislike of his counsels, and was not sparing 
in jests and sarcasms against his allies; and, after 
all, was excessively mortified because Pompey would 
not employ him on any important service. 

After the battle of Pliarsalia , in which, on account 
of his ill health, he had not been present, he w T as 
desired, by Cato, to take a command in the army; 
but he refused to have any further concern in the 
war; and, retiring from the army, he proceeded to 
Brundusium, a town on the western coast of Cala¬ 
bria. Here he experienced many severe mortifica¬ 
tions; for he was entirely in the power of Antony, 
who now governed Italy with uncontrolable sway. 
He had also to endure many domestic grievances, 
particularly respecting his daughter Tullia, whom 
her husband soon afterwards divorced; and he ex¬ 
perienced some distress from w r ant of money, in 
consequence of his having lent, to Pompey, the 
greatest part of what he had possessed. His health, 
likewise, began to be injured by the unwholesome 
atmosphere of the place. In the midst of all this 
distress, he was informed that Ccesar had arrived at 
Tarentum, and designed to proceed thence to 
Brundusium. He, therefore, conceived that his 
only hope of safety lay in setting out to meet him; 
and this he did, but not without some degree of 
shame, and for the sake only of his own personal 
security. 

Caesar had been desirous of effecting a reconcilia¬ 
tion with Cicero; and, on the present occasion, he 
no sooner beheld him approach, than he dismounted, 
and received him in the most friendly manner. 
They walked together, in conversation, for some 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


285 


furlongs; and, from this time, Caesar continued to 
treat him with the utmost kindness and respect. 
He also confirmed to him the full enjoyment of his 
former state and dignity. 

That Caesar entertained a very high regard for 
the talents of Cicero, may be imagined from the 
anxiety with which he sought this reconciliation. 
But it was particularly shown in the prosecution of 
Quintus Ligarius. Cicero had undertaken to plead 
the cause of this man, who was charged with the 
crime of having borne arms against Caesar; and the 
latter is reported to have said: “Why may we not 
“ give ourselves a pleasure, which we have not en- 
“ joyed so long, that of hearing Cicero speak; since 
“ I have already taken my resolution with regard to 
“ Ligarius, whom I know to be a bad man, as well as 
“my enemy?” He was extremely affected when 
Cicero began; and the speech of the great Roman 
orator, as it proceeded, deeply excited both his 
attention and his feelings. When the orator touched 
on the battle of Pharsalia, the mind of Caesar was 
wrought to so high a pitch, that his whole frame 
trembled, and he let drop his papers out of his hand. 
He was finally so overcome by the force of elo¬ 
quence, that, notwithstanding all his former pre¬ 
judices against Ligarius, he was obliged to pronounce 
his acquittal. 

As the commonwealth was now, in fact, changed 
into a monarchy, Cicero withdrew from public busi¬ 
ness , and employed much of his leisure time in 
philosophical studies, and in instructing young men 
in philosophy. It was, at this period, that he wrote 
many of those admirable works which are still ex¬ 
tant, and which show both the solidity of his judg¬ 
ment, and the integrity of his heart. He chiefly 
resided at his Tusculan villa; seldom visiting Rome, 
except for the purpose of paying his court to Caesar. 
He also employed himself on a history of his own 
times; or, rather, of his own conduct; but he was 


286 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


prevented from completing it, by many occurrences, 
both public and private, which were to him a source 
of anxiety and distress. He divorced his wife Ta- 
rentia, in consequence of her alleged neglect of 
him ; and, not long afterwards, he married a young 
woman wdio was possessed of considerable property, 
but from whom he was soon separated. But 
his chief distress was occasioned by the death of 
his daughter. He was, at this time, somewhat 
more than sixty years of age. 

Cicero does not appear to have had any concern 
whatever in the conspiracy against Caesar: although 
he was one of the particular friends of Brutus; and, 
•although, after Caesar was killed, Brutus called on 
him, by name, to congratulate his country on the 
recovery of its liberty. No sooner was the deed 
accomplished, than the friends of Caesar assembled 
to revenge his death; and it was apprehended that 
Rome would again be plunged into all the misery of 
civil war. Antony assembled the senate, and Cicero 
proposed that a pardon should be granted to all the 
conspirators, and that provinces should be decreed 
to Brutus and Cassius. The assent of the senate 
was obtained; but, afterwards, when the dead body 
of Csesar w T as exhibited by Antony to the people, 
they became so much enraged, that the conspirators, 
if they had not escaped from the city, w r ould all have 
been put to death. 

From this time, Cicero and Antony lived in 
mutual distrust. Octavius, the nephew of Cagsar, 
then in his nineteenth year, hastened from Apollonia 
to Rome, claimed the property of his uncle, and 
sued Antony for a large sum of money which he had 
detained. Cicero was induced to assist the claimant 
both with his eloquence and interest, on considera¬ 
tion that Octavius should afford him all the pro¬ 
tection in his power. By taking the part of this 
young man, Cicero had vainly hoped that he might 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 287 

be the means of terminating the despotism, and 
restoring the ancient form of government. 

Both in the senate, and with the people, Cicero 
now carried every measure that he desired; and it 
was on various public occasions, (consequent upon 
the return of Octavius,) that he uttered those well 
known Philippics* against Antony, which, whilst 
they exhibited his own extraordinary talent for elo- 
quence, procured him an implacable and deadly foe. 
Antony was expelled from Rome, and the senate 
were prevailed with to grant Octavius the dignity of 
praetor. This youth afterwards persuaded Cicero to 
aid him in procuring the consulship; promising that 
he would, in every respect, submit his judgment to 
that of a man whose talents and experience were so 
much greater than his own; and that Cicero should 
direct all the affairs of the state. The power of 
Octavius was established, and Cicero soon became 
sensible that he had not only ruined himself, but had 
aided in destroying the liberty of his country. Oc¬ 
tavius, now finding that he had no further use for 
Cicero, spurned both his services and his advice. 
He, Antony, and Lepidus, formed what was called 
the second triumvirate. They divided the Roman 
empire among them, says Plutarch, as if it had been 
a private estate ; and their triumph compelled Cicero 
once more to seek for safety in retirement. 

They proscribed more than two hundred persons, 
who had been inimical to their proceedings. Antony 
and Lepidus insisted that the name of Cicero should 
be amongst the number; but Octavius had the 
honesty, in this particular, to oppose them. After a 
contest of three days, however, he yielded to the 
determination of his associates. Intelligence of 
what had taken place, was privately conveyed to 
Cicero, while he was with his brother and nephew. 


• This was a name originally given to the orations of Demosthenes, against 
Philip, king of Macedon, and which was applied, by Cicero, to his own orations 
against Antony. 



288 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


at his Tusculan villa. No sooner was it communi¬ 
cated to him, than they all fled, first towards Astura , 
where Cicero had a country house, near the sea; 
and whence they intended to embark for Macedonia, 
in a hope of being able to join Brutus there. They 
were carried in 'separate litters, oppressed with 
sorrow and despair. Quintus, the brother of 
Cicero, was tlie more dejected, because he had not 
been able to make any provision whatever for his 
journey; and, after they had proceeded, to some 
distance, it became necessary that he and his son 
should return. They did so: and, a few days 
afterwards, were betrayed to the emissaries of the 
triumvirate, and assassinated. 

Cicero embarked on board a vessel at Astura, 
and sailed along the coast to Circceum , where, at his 
own request, he was landed. He resolved to throw r 
himself upon the clemency of Octavius; and even 
travelled on foot some furlongs towards Rome; 
but he repented and returned. He passed the 
night in a dreadful state of agitation; and, in the 
morning, was conveyed, by sea, to Cajeta, where 
he had a villa. Here, weary of life, he declared 
he would die in that country wdiicli he so often had 
saved. His servants, however, anxious for his 
preservation, entreated that they might convey him 
away, in his litter, and, if possible, place him on 
board of some ship bound to a foreign country. 
He assented, and they had not long left the house, 
when a party of soldiers, commanded by a centurion 
and a tribune, arrived at it. As the doors were 
fastened, they broke them open, and demanded 
of the servants, who had been left, where their 
master was; but they denied having any knowledge 
of him. A freed man, who had belonged to his 
brother Quintus, and whom Cicero had instructed 
in the liberal arts, informed the tribune, that he 
was retreating, through the forests, towards the sea- 
coast. The soldiers immediately proceeded in that 


MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO. 


289 


direction, and overtook him in the midst of the 
woods. Cicero, when he saw them, directed his ser¬ 
vants to let the litter down; and, putting his left 
hand to his chin, an attitude which he was accustom¬ 
ed to adopt, he looked steadfastly on his murderers. 
His haggard countenance, his face overgrown with 
hair and wasted with anxiety, so much affected the 
attendants of the centurion, that they could not look 
upon the melancholy scene that followed. Cicero 
stretched his neck out of the litter, and the centurion 
severed his head from his body. 

Thus fell this eminent Roman, in the sixty-fourth 
year of his age. His head and hands were sent to 
Antony, who ordered them to be fixed on the rostra; 
and afterward rewarded the officer with a civic 
crown and a large sum of money. 

The whole city lamented his cruel fate; and mul¬ 
titudes wept at the sight of those members, once 
gloriously exerted in defence of the laws, the liberties, 
and the fortunes of the Roman people, but now ig- 
nominiously exposed, in that very place, to the scorn 
of sycophants and traitors. His death occasioned 
universal sorrow, and it was considered as the final 
triumph of despotism, and his blood as cementing 
the perpetual slavery of Rome. 

Authorities.— Plutarch , Sallust , Paterculus , Aulus Gellius , 
Caesar's Commentaries , Middleton. 


O 


290 


MARCUS ATTILIUS REGULUS. 

A Roman Consul , who defeated the Carthaginians , in a great 
naval hattle off Sicily , and reduced that people to a state of great 
distress. He was afterwards taken prisoner by them; and 
because he would not promote their views in obtaining an ad¬ 
vantageous peace , he was put to death with great torture , in the 
year 503 of the city , and 251 years before Christ. 


D uring the time of Regulus, the power of Rome in 
Italy was considered irresistible; and she was suc¬ 
cessfully struggling with Carthage, for the domi¬ 
nion of the Mediterranean sea and its islands. 

No event of importance has been recorded con¬ 
cerning him, anterior to the year of the city, 486, 
when he was elected consul; and when, in conjunc¬ 
tion with his colleague, Julius Libo, he had the ho¬ 
nour of a triumph, for a victory obtained over the 
Salentines, a people who inhabited the southern coast 
of Calabria. 

Eleven years afterwards he was again made con¬ 
sul, and, with Lucius Manlius, commanded three 
hundred and thirty sail of vessels, and one hundred 
and forty thousand men, against the Carthaginians. 
The latter, with three hundred and forty ships, en¬ 
gaged them off the coast of Sicily, but were defeated 
with a loss of sixty-four galleys taken, and more 
than thirty sunk. 

After this, Regulus and Manlius proceeded to the 
coast of Africa, where they took possession of the 
town of Clupea, intending, from its strength and 
from its vicinity to the sea-coast, to make it their 
magazine of arms and provisions. At this place 
they received orders from the senate, that the sole 
command of the army should be given to Regulus, 
and that Manlius should return to Rome. These 
orders further directed, that Regulus, under the title 
of pro-consul, should continue the war after the 



MARCUS ATTILIUS REGULUS. 


291 


expiration of his consulship, and that he should re¬ 
serve such a number of troops and vessels, to aid his 
operations, as he might think requisite. 

He gained over the Carthaginian army an impor¬ 
tant victory. This was followed by the surrender 
of two hundred towns, and opened for him an almost 
uninterrupted line of march, nearly to the Cartha¬ 
ginian capital. He advanced near to the city of 
Tunis, but ^fifteen miles distant from Carthage. 

In the midst of his successes, and when he believed 
that he had rendered the course clear for any other 
general to prosecute and terminate the war, he pe¬ 
titioned the senate for leave to return to Rome, 
stating, as a reason for his request, that, during his 
absence, his private property, which consisted but of 
fourteen acres of land, and from which his family de¬ 
rived their subsistence, lay neglected and uncultivat¬ 
ed. This was a small possession to satisfy the 
wants of a Roman consul; and he had been informed 
that, even from this, his servants had carried off part 
of the stock, and that his wife and children, who had 
no other means of support, were thus reduced to a 
state of indigence. To this petition the senate made 
the only reply which could honourably have been 
made : they assured him, if he would continue his 
labours for the public, that his family should be sup¬ 
ported, and his little field cultivated at the public 
expense. 

The Carthaginians were now reduced to a most 
deplorable condition. For, besides their two recent 
defeats, both of which had been occasioned, not so 
much by any defect of courage in the troops, as by 
the unskilful conduct of their generals, the Numidi- 
ans had sent detachments into the Carthaginian ter¬ 
ritory, that had laid waste the whole country through 
which they passed. The terrified people left their 
habitations in the country, and fled to Carthage. 
Here the immense increase of numbers soon occa¬ 
sioned a famine, the horrors of which were increased 

o 2 


202 MARCUS ATTILIUS REGULUS. 

by an hourly expectation that the place would b® 
besieged by the Romans. 

In passing a river on his advance towards Car¬ 
thage, the Roman historians assert that the army of 
Regulus encountered a serpent of such tremendous 
size, that they were unable to kill it, until they 
brought against it their great military implements. 
After it was killed, its skin, which is said to have 
measured a hundred and twenty feet in length, was 
sent to Rome. This fact seems scarcely credible; but 
when we know that authentic accounts have recently 
been transmitted from Asia and South America, of 
serpents sufficiently large to destroy and swallow 
oxen and deer, we must not wholly refuse our faith 
to the story of the serpent, destroyed by the army of 
Regulus. 

With regard to Carthage we must remark, that it 
w r ould have been happy for himself, and for many 
thousands of his fellow-creatures, if Regulus had ob¬ 
served, in the cause of Rome, the same moderation 
which he exhibited in his own private concerns. 
But, with grief, it must be related that, when Car¬ 
thage lay at his feet, supplicating for peace, he re¬ 
fused to grant it, except on the most oppressive 
terms. He indeed admitted the Carthaginian chiefs 
to a conference; but he seemed to think that he had 
only to demand, for them to cede. The Carthagi¬ 
nians, perceiving that even if they should be wholly 
subdued and reduced beneath the Roman yoke, no 
conditions more unfavourable could be imposed 
upon them, rejected the terms. 

We know not to what cause we can attribute this 
conduct of Regulus: whether to orders which he 
received from his government, or to the erroneous 
principles of patriotism under which he acted. It 
was, however, soon made evident, how little depen¬ 
dence can be placed in human success or human 
foresight. The arrival of one man at Carthage, and 
he of no considerable rank or celebrity, changed the 
whole current of events. The Roman pride and 


MARCUS ATTlLIUS REGULUS. 


293 


power were laid in the dust, by the talents of a sin¬ 
gle Spartan officer, and this even at a time when 
Sparta was itself in a very humbled state. 

The Carthaginians, after the landing of the Ro¬ 
mans in Africa, had sent for assistance into Greece; 
and they received thence a supply of troops, but 
chiefly a Spartan officer, named Xantippus. On en¬ 
quiring into all the circumstances connected with 
their defeat, Xantippus soon ascertained that the 
Carthaginians had been indebted, for all their losses, 
not to any peculiar bravery or talent on the part of 
the Romans, but to a lamentable want of skill in 
their own commanders. So perfectly satisfied were 
the Carthaginian magistrates with the account which 
he gave, that they committed the whole direction of 
their army to him; and he trained it with so much 
skill, and with so strict an attention to discipline, 
that, in a subsequent battle, the Romans were totally 
defeated, and Regulus himself was made prisoner. 

Regulus now severely suffered for the hard terms 
which he had endeavoured to impose upon his ene¬ 
my. Notwithstanding his high rank, notwithstand¬ 
ing any dread which the Carthaginians had of retali¬ 
ation, they treated this once-victorious Roman with 
a degree of savage and wanton barbarity, which has 
not often been exceeded. 

There is no part of history more deserving of atten¬ 
tion, or which affords more instruction, than the revers¬ 
es sometimes experienced by great men; and the ob¬ 
servations of Polybius on this part of the Roman his¬ 
tory, would have been creditable even to a Christian 
writer. “ How wide a field for reflection (says he) 
“ does this event open to us, and what an admirable 
“ lesson does it convey to us, for the conduct of hu- 
“ man life ! From the fate of Regulus, we discern 
“ how little confidence ought to be placed in Fortune, 
“ even when she seems to flatter us with the fairest 
“ hopes. For he, who, but a few days before, had, 
“ without remorse, beheld the Carthaginians reduced 
“ to the lowest state of wretchedness, was now him- 


29 4 


MARCUS ATTILIUS REGULUS. 


“ self led captive by them—was compelled to implore 
“ mercy from those very enemies to whomhehadshow- 
“ ed none. In this event we may also remark, (he says,) 
“ the truth of a maxim of Euripides, that ‘ one wise 
“ counsellor is better than the strength of numbers.’ 
“ For here, by the wisdom of one man, legions were 
“ defeated which had been considered invincible; 
“ new life was infused into a people, whose losses 
“ had rendered them^ almost insensible even of 
“ misery; and their tottering state was saved from 
“ ruin.” The historian instructs his readers how to 
derive advantage from examples like this; which, 
without exposing us to the experience of suffering, 
instruct us how to form our actions upon the truest 
models, and to direct our judgment aright in the va¬ 
rious occurrences of life. 

The Carthaginians obtained some further successes 
against the Romans, and particularly over their naval 
forces. These reverses induced them to imagine 
that they should soon prove superior to them, both 
by land and by sea. Information of their disasters 
having been sent to Rome, the consuls set sail for 
Africa, with a new fleet of three hundred and fifty 
galleys. On their arrival off that coast, they ob¬ 
tained two great victories, one by sea, and the other 
by land. The latter was near Clupea, which the 
Carthaginians had been anxious to recover from the 
Romans, but by which they had lost no fewer than 
one hundred and twenty elephants, the chief strength 
of their land forces. Now, in their turn, again hum¬ 
bled by adversity, they began to use their prisoner 
with more lenity, hoping now to obtain, through his 
mediation, a peace which would relieve them from 
their misfortunes and liberate him from a prison. 
At their solicitation he was sent to Rome, with the 
Carthaginian ambassadors, to negotiate a peace, 
having, previously to his departure, taken an oath to 
return to his prison, if the negotiation proved unsuc¬ 
cessful. 

In entrusting Regains with this commission, they 


MARCUS ATTILIUS REGULUS. 


295 


were totally ignorant of the character of the man, 
through whom they vainly expected to reap advan¬ 
tage. They imagined that the terrors of a prison 
would operate upon his mind, and induce him to ob¬ 
tain for them terms more advantageous than they 
could have obtained through the mediation of any 
other person. But the mind of Regulus was not to 
be biassed by his personal feelings or interest. 
When he arrived at the gates of Rome, he, for some 
time, refused to enter the city* as he said he was but 
a slave to the Carthaginians. The senators, when 
they were assembled to give audience to the Car¬ 
thaginian ambassadors, requested him to take his 
seat among them; but he refused to do this, till he 
was commanded by them to do so. When he was 
called upon by the senate, to give his opinion re¬ 
specting the terms that should be granted to the 
enemy, he strongly urged them not to grant any, 
but such as would have led to the entire destruction 
of the Carthaginian government. To the utmost of 
his power, both publicly and privately, he supported 
what he imagined to be the interests of his country , 
wholly inattentive to his persona danger; and he 
obeyed, even to death, what he considered to be the 
strictest laws of honour and of justice. 

Though they were induced to act, with regard to 
the negotiation, according to his suggestions, the 
senators were unwilling to send back to his dungeon 
so noble-minded a citizen; and a subterfuge was 
suggested to him, by which he might be released 
from his oath ; but he instantly rejected it as base, 
and unworthy both of them and of himself, and de¬ 
clared his resolution to return to Carthage, to suffer 
the punishments which he knew T awaited him there. 
Voluntarily did he resign himself into the hands of 
his enemies, taking leave of his friends and his 
country for ever. 

When the Carthaginians were informed that their 
offers of peace had been rejected, and chiefly through 


290 


CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 


the means of Regulus, it is said that they resolved to 
punish him with hitherto-unheard-of torments. The 
accounts that have been given of his death are so 
horrible, that some writers have been led to doubt 
whether he did not die in prison, and that the Ro¬ 
mans invented the particulars of his tortures, for the 
purpose of heaping disgrace upon the Carthaginians. 
It is asserted that he was confined in a deep and dark 
dungeon, and, his eyelids being cut off, that he was 
suddenly brought into the glare of the mid-day sun, 
and compelled to fix his eyes upon that luminary: 
that, afterwards, he was enclosed in a large kind of 
barrel, the sides of which were every where lined 
with iron spikes, and there confined till he died, in 
the most excruciating agony. The historians state, 
that, when the Roman senate W'ere informed of his 
sufferings, they decreed that Marcia, his widow, 
should be permitted to inflict whatever punishment 
she thought proper, on some of the most illustrious 
of the Carthaginians, who were at that time prisoners 
in Rome; and she is said to have taken so severe a 
revenge, that the senate were, at last, obliged to in¬ 
terpose, and put a stop to the barbarity of her punish¬ 
ments. 

Authorities— PohjUus. Aptian. Aulus Gdlius. 


CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 

A celebrated general , who by his military talents made himself 
master of his country. He died in the year 'JW of the city , 
and 43 years before Christ. 


Caesar was born at Rome during the sixth consulate 
of Marius, on the 12th of July, in the hundredth 
year before the Christian era. He was the descend- 



CAIUS JULIUS CA2SAR. 


297 


ant from a noble family, many of his ancestors hav¬ 
ing filled the highest offices in the state. His father, 
whose name was also Caius Julius Caesar, had offi¬ 
ciated in the station of praetor, and had shortly after¬ 
wards died at Pisa, when his son was about fifteen 
years of age. 

Very few circumstances have been recorded con¬ 
cerning the youth of Caesar. It, however, appears, 
that his mother, Aurelia, a woman of sense and vir¬ 
tue, paid great attention to the cultivation of liis 
mind and manners; and from his well-known saga¬ 
city and talent, and his regard for the liberal arts, we 
may conclude that he made a rapid progress in his 
studies. During his early years, he is said to have 
composed several literary pieces; and, among others, 
a tragedy founded on the history of GEdipus. 

He entered the matrimonial state when very 
young, with Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, the 
Roman consul. To this marriage he may have been 
induced, by his previous connexion with the Marian 
family, and by a desire to attain eminence in the 
state. After the defeat of the Marian party, Caesar 
narrowly escaped the fury of Sylla. He was first 
commanded to divorce his wife, who had already 
borne him a daughter; but he refused to do so, 
equally unmoved by the promises and the threats of 
the despot. This resolute conduct was the first re¬ 
markable instance of that decisive firmness of cha¬ 
racter, which Caesar retained through life. 

Offended at his disobedience, Sylla deprived him 
of his paternal estates, as well as of the portion 
which he had obtained w r ith his wife; and removed 
him from the office of priest of Jupiter, to which he 
had been appointed by his father-in-law. Fearful 
Jest his life might also be sacrificed, Caesar retired 
from Rome in disguise, and concealed himself, for 
some time, in the Sabine territories. During the 
time he continued there, he was frequently obliged 
to remove, in the night, from one habitation to ano- 

o 5 


CAIUS JULIUS CJ2SAR. 


298 


N 


ther, that he might avoid the assassins employed by 
Sylla. His utmost vigilance did not, however, pre¬ 
vent him from being discovered by a party of the 
tyrant’s myrmidons; but his persuasions, and the 
addition of a large bribe, had so powerful an effect, 
that Cornelius, the leader of the band, suffered him 
to escape. 

From this state of anxiety he was at length re¬ 
lieved, by the intercession of his friends and relatives. 
Sylla yielded to their importunities, and relinquished 
his intention of taking away the life of a young man 
whom they were anxious to preserve. He, how¬ 
ever, expressed his apprehensions of the consequences 
which might result from the enterprizing spirit of 
of Caesar; in whom, he said, “ there are many Ma¬ 
riuses.” On other occasions, alluding to the loose 
How in which Caesar affected to wear his robe, he de¬ 
sired that the nobles should beware of “ that ill-girt 
b°y.” 

Having a strong inclination for military pursuits, 
and being still apprehensive of danger from the cru¬ 
elty of his powerful enemy, Caesar embarked for 
Asia Minor, where he served in the army command¬ 
ed by Minucius Thermos, and under whom he per¬ 
formed many important services. As soon, how¬ 
ever, as he received information of the death of Sylla, 
he left the camp and returned to Rome. 

He now studied the law, and adopted the profession 
of an advocate; and soon had an opportunity of dis¬ 
tinguishing himself. Dolabella, who had enjoyed the 
honours of the consulate, was charged, by the Ma¬ 
cedonians, with extortion. Caesar was employed 
against him, and adduced a strong body of evidence 
to prove the facts with which he had been charged, 
but was unsuccessful. Dolabella was acquitted, and 
Caesar’s chagrin at the failure of his accusation, in¬ 
duced him to leave Rome, and retire to the island of 
Rhodes, for the purpose of there studying eloquence, 


CAIUS JULIUS CA5SAR. 


299 


and receiving the instructions of Apollonius, a cele¬ 
brated rhetorician and inhabitant of that island. 

In his voyage thither he had the misfortune, near 
the island of Pharmacusa, to fall into the hands of 
pirates, who detained him several weeks as their pri¬ 
soner. His conduct, during his continuance with 
these people, exhibited a singular mixture of levity, 
dignity, and address. They were so much asto¬ 
nished at his behaviour, that they were at a loss to 
determine what construction it would bear. Though, 
as his captors, they were his temporary masters, he 
inspired them with so much awe and veneration, 
that they seemed to guard him as a prince, rather 
than to watch him as a prisoner. They demanded 
twenty talents for his redemption; but this sum he 
ridiculed, as being too small for a person of his qua¬ 
lity, and promised them fifty talents, (about nine 
thousand seven hundred pounds,) as a ransom more 
suitable to his rank. He sent some of his attendants 
to the neighbouring coast of Asia Minor, to procure 
the sum which he had engaged to pay; and he re¬ 
tained a physician and two servants, as the associ¬ 
ates of his confinement. With great apparent un¬ 
concern he joined even in the sports of the free¬ 
booters. He amused himself with the composition 
of poems and orations, which he recited to them with 
all the self-complacency of an author; and, if any of 
his hearers forbore to admire these effusions, he 
stigmatized them as illiterate and tasteless barba¬ 
rians. When they asked him in what manner he 
would treat them, if they were in his power, he re¬ 
plied, with an air of apparent jocularity, “ that he 
would crucify them;” and with this doom he fre¬ 
quently menaced them. Whenever he was desirous 
of repose, he commanded their silence with a pe¬ 
remptory assumption of authority; and, in other re¬ 
spects, he exhibited a singular display of dictatorial 
command. No sooner had his messengers brought 
the sum which he had sent for, and which the citizens 


300 


CAIUS JULIUS CjESAR. 


of Miletus had chiefly contributed to raise, than he 
paid it to the robbers, and left their island. 

He hastened to the port of Miletus , and there, 
with extraordinary expedition, having fitted out some 
ships, he sailed back to Pharmacusa, to the astonish¬ 
ment and confusion of the pirates. He attacked 
them in the night, captured several of their vessels, 
and dispersed or sunk the rest. The prisoners he 
punished with death; commanding them to be cru¬ 
cified, but not until they had first suffered death by 
having their throats cut. The conduct of Caesar on 
this occasion has been blamed, by some writers, as 
accompanied by unnecessary cruelty. It has been 
considered that he would have afforded a pleasing in¬ 
stance of clemency, if he had rescued from death the 
persons by whom he had been favourably treated, 
when he was in their power; but probably he 
thought that the preservation of such criminals 
would be misplaced humanity, and that considera¬ 
tion may have induced him to take an active part in 
this punishment. 

No sooner was this affair terminated, than he 
repaired to the island of Rhodes , where he improved 
himself in oratory and other liberal pursuits. From 
these occupations he was roused by the occurrences 
which now took place, and his ardent inclination for 
military life. Mithridates, the king of Pontus, had 
renewed his hostilities against the Romans; and 
Caesar, quitting his retirement, levied, without a 
commission, a body of forces on the continent; ex¬ 
pelled, from Bithynia, an officer whom that monarch 
had sent thither as his lieutenant; and, by his vigi¬ 
lance and judicious conduct, secured the obedience of 
the people. 

Caesar now returned to Rome , but, from this pe¬ 
riod, until his election to the office of aedile, the ac¬ 
counts of his life and conduct are short and imper¬ 
fect. The first dignity which he acquired, in that 
interval ,was the post of military tribune , which was 


CAIUS JULIUS CiESAR. 


301 

conferred upon him in a general assembly. The 
next station to which he was appointed, was that of 
quaestor; and whilst he was in this office, he lost his 
aunt Julia, who had been married to the elder Ma¬ 
rius, and Cornelia his wife. It was customary with 
the Romans, to pronounce public orations in praise 
of their deceased friends; and Caesar harangued the 
people, in the forum, on the death of Julia, who had 
assisted his mother in superintending his education; 
and, in the funeral procession of this lady, he ordered 
images of her husband Marius to be exhibited. It 
was not expected that he would deliver any oration 
on the death of his wife, as the Romans did not 
honour young females with funereal panegyrics. But 
his regard to the memory of an amiable partner, and 
perhaps a view of obtaining popularity, induced him 
to introduce a new practice; and he resolved to pay 
the tribute of public applause to the character of 
Cornelia. By this behaviour he obtained great po¬ 
pularity. 

After having exercised the duties of a quaestor at 
Rome, he embarked, in the same capacity, for Spain, 
where he acquired great reputation; but he was so 
impatient to return to the Roman capital, that he 
quitted his office before the regular period of its ex¬ 
piration. He requested, from the propraetor, a dis¬ 
charge from his office, that he might return to the 
seat of government, and seek some employment 
which might lead to an opportunity of distinguishing 
himself. Having obtained the desired permission, 
he retired from Spain; and, once more, made his 
appearance in Rome. 

All his proceedings were marked by an eager de¬ 
sire to elevate himself in the state. He obtained the 
office of cedile, or superintendant of the buildings and 
the public show's and games; and, by the splendour of 
his style of living, and by his liberality to the people, 
he had contracted debts to the amount of more than 
two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, and 


302 


CAIUS JULIUS C/ESAlt. 


these debts he greatly increased during his aedileship. 
In pomp and profusion he surpassed all the former 
eediles. In honour of his father’s memory, he ex¬ 
hibited magnificent sports, in which the whole furni¬ 
ture of the amphitheatre was of silver. He intended, 
on this occasion, to have had an assemblage of gla¬ 
diators, far exceeding all prior exhibitions of that 
description; but the nobles, alarmed at his prepara¬ 
tions, obtained a decree of the senate to limit the 
number of those combatants. He was, therefore, 
obliged to content himself with six hundred and 
forty of them. He solemnized other games with 
extraordinary expense, and gratified the people 
with the most sumptuous entertainments. All these 
eharges, except such as related to his father, were 
jointly defrayed by himself, and his colleague, Bibu- 
lus, who, however, complained that Caesar enjoyed 
the whole credit which arose from them. 

By these, and by other means than these, he ob¬ 
tained great celebrity with the populace; and his 
object, in so doing, was soon perceptible. Catulus, 
one of the leading members of the senate, stated 
publicly, that “ Caesar was no longer content to un- 
“ dermine the political establishments of his coun- 
“ try, but that he had declared open war against it, and 
“ avowedly was aiming at the sovereignty.” Caesar 
harangued the senate in his own defence; and, by his 
spirited eloquence, he so far repelled the charge, 
that even the senate acquiesced in his vindication. 

Encouraged by the popularity which he had ac¬ 
quired, he flattered himself with the hope of being 
able to obtain an important military commission into 
Egypt; but he was disappointed, and he continued 
to apply his attention to civil affairs. He acted as 
an assistant to the praetors, in their judicial en¬ 
quiries; and he had an opportunity of condemning 
to death several of those ruffians who had been 
employed by Sylla, in his proscriptions and mur¬ 
ders. 


CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 


303 

Not long after this, the dignity of high 'priest be¬ 
came vacant, and Caesar offered himself a candidate 
for it. But, reflecting on the enormous burden of 
debt under which he laboured, he resolved to retire 
from Rome, if he should not obtain the dignified and 
privileged station which he sought. When he de¬ 
parted from his house, to the place of election, he 
took leave of his mother with great emotion. “ This 
“ day,” said he, “ your son will either be high 
“ priest or a fugitive.” His competitors were two 
veteran senators, who had passed through the high¬ 
est offices in the state with great reputation; but his 
endeavours were so eminently successful, that those 
of the senators who w r ere interested for the safety of 
the state, now began to dread the future enterprises 
which his popularity might enable him to achieve. 
It was during the consulate of Cicero that Caesar at¬ 
tained this dignity; and, during that orator’s magis¬ 
tracy, a full discovery was made of the nefarious 
conspiracy of Catiline , against the Roman common¬ 
wealth and capital. Caesar was accused of having 
been one of the accomplices in the plot, and he ex¬ 
erted his influence to spare the lives of the conspira¬ 
tors ; but the conspiracy was too inhuman to suit his 
general clemency and magnanimity, and the scheme 
was too ill-concerted to be approved by a man of his 
sense and judgment. In consequence of his inter¬ 
ferences, some attempts w 7 ere made upon his life; 
and, for a little while, he avoided the meetings of the 
senate. 

Caesar had been elected to the office of proctor be¬ 
fore the senate took cognizance of this conspiracy; 
and he had not long enjoyed his new dignity, before 
he was subjected to a severe mortification for having- 
encouraged the tribune Metellus Nepos to seek the 
punishment of Cicero, for his concern in the punish¬ 
ment of the conspirators. Cato the younger became 
now personally opposed to him, and nearly the 
whole power of the senate was against him. He 


304 


CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 


and Metellus were suspended from their offices, by 
a decree of the senate. In contempt of this decree, 
Caesar repaired to the forum, to act in his judicial ca¬ 
pacity; but, finding that directions had been given 
for opposing his presumption by force of arms, he 
dismissed his official attendants, threw off his robe of 
magistracy, and privately retired to his house. 
Here the people flocked spontaneously to him, and 
encouraged him by promises of their utmost support, 
in the assertion of his rights. The senate, alarmed 
at the extraordinary conflux of the multitude, hastily 
assembled, to deliberate on the danger with which 
they were threatened. Being informed of the pa¬ 
cific deportment of Caesar, they sent a deputation to 
compliment him with a vote of thanks, and request 
his appearance in the house. He there presented 
himself: his moderate behaviour was applauded in 
terms of high encomium, and he was restored to the 
full exercise of his functions. He was subsequently 
accused of treason, in having abetted the conspiracy 
of Catiline; but his accusers failed in their proofs, 
and were themselves subjected to punishment for 
their calumniation of him. 

An occurrence of an unpleasant kind about this 
time took place in his domestic affairs. Clodius, a 
debauched young man, became enamoured of Pom- 
peia, the wife of Caesar; and she appears to have 
encouraged his addresses. The difficulty he experi¬ 
enced in procuring an interview with her, induced 
him to take the opportunity of the celebration of 
certain religious mysteries, at which no male was 
suffered to be present. Fie disguised himself in 
female attire, presented himself at the door of 
Caesar’s habitation, and was admitted. But his 
voice afterwards betrayed him. He was driven 
from the house, and, for this violation of the religion 
of his country, was subjected to a trial; but, through 
the interest of his friends, and the influence of bribes, 
lie was acquitted. No sooner had Caesar been in- 


CAIUS JULIUS cj:sar. 


305 


formed of the attempt of Clodius, than he obtained 
a divorce from his wife; but when his own opinion 
of her criminality was asked, he denied that he had 
had the least proof of it. This answer astonished all 
who heard it, and induced one of the senators to ask, 
Why then he had obtained a divorce. The following 
was his memorable reply: “ It appears to me to be 
“ dishonourable to retain a wife, on whom the impu- 
“ tation of guilt has once been thrown. So strict 
“ are my sentiments with regard to the purity of the 
“ female character, that the mistress of my family 
“ must not only be free from guilt, but free from 
“ even the suspicion of it.” This assertion, which at 
best was harsh and ungenerous, can only have been 
meant to apply to cases in which the grounds of sus¬ 
picion were strong, though no decisive evidence of 
criminality could be adduced. 

After the expiration of his office of praetor, Caesar 
obtained the government of Ulterior Spain; but be¬ 
fore his departure, his creditors became so importu¬ 
nate, that, to pacify the most clamorous of them, 
he prevailed with Crassus, a wealthy senator, to be¬ 
come responsible for him in a sum of more than 
one hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling. 
He then commenced his journey, without waiting the 
completion of those equipments, which were usually 
provided at the public expense. 

On his arrival in Spain, he was eager to distin¬ 
guish himself, both by his martial exploits and his 
political services, that he might expedite his acqui¬ 
sition of the consular dignity. He reduced the disaf¬ 
fected states to obedience; and employed himself 
with success, in the establishment of order, the pro¬ 
motion of concord, and the distribution of justice. 
When he had thus extended his fame, and provided, 
in the course of his government, large sums of mo¬ 
ney for the payment of his creditors, he prepared for 
his return to Rome. His ambition was directed to 
two objects : the dignity of consul, and the honour 


30 G 


CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 


of a triumph. But he was obliged to resign his pre¬ 
tensions to the latter; and hastened to Rome, for 
the purpose of urging his suit for the consular ma¬ 
gistracy. He was appointed consul , but his associ¬ 
ate was a man hostile to his ambitious projects. 

The most powerful individual in the Roman re¬ 
public, at this time, was Pompey the Great. His 
military fame, and his apparent moderation, had 
rendered him a favourite, both of the army and the 
people ; and his influence over the senate being also 
very considerable, he might almost be considered as 
the sovereign of the state. His principal rival was 
Crassus, whose wealth, superior to that of every other 
Roman, had enabled him, with the aid of insinuating 
manners, to acquire an extraordinary degree of in¬ 
terest. The jealousy of competition having pro¬ 
duced a strong animosity between these two eminent 
men, Caesar, who wished to strengthen his power by 
their assistance, resolved to exert all his address to 
effect a reconciliation between them, that he might 
prevail on each to support his views. Pompey, re¬ 
flecting that, if Caesar should unite with Crassus, his 
own power would be endangered, listened to the per¬ 
suasions of Caesar, and agreed to join both in the 
assumption of the whole power of the senate and the 
people. A private treaty was, in consequence, agreed 
upon, by which these three individuals agreed, that 
each should assist the two others with every effort, 
in preventing the execution of any scheme, or the 
success of any measure, which they should jointly or 
severally disapprove. 

For the purpose of increasing his popularity, Cae¬ 
sar now proposed the establishment of an Agrarian 
law, for the distribution of public lands among the 
people. The penetration of Cato led him not only 
to oppose this measure with all his influence, but to 
expose the interested motives from which it had ori¬ 
ginated. Irritated by this opposition, Caesar com¬ 
manded one of his lictors to seize Cato and conduct 


CAIUS JULIUS C.ESAR. 


307 


him to prison. The indignation of the senators was 
so strongly roused by this arbitrary procedure, that 
Caesar was induced to give private orders that he 
should be liberated. Caesar, after great difficulty, 
carried his measure, supported by popular clamour ; 
for although it was opposed by the majority of the 
senate, the whole body of the people gave it their 
support. They attacked, with great fury, the consul 
Bibulus, and his partisans, who had opposed it, 
broke in pieces his fasces, and wounded several of 
his men. The law was sanctioned by popular as¬ 
sent, and every senator was requested to confirm it 
by an oath. 

By various acts of aggression, supported by the 
popular influence, the triumvirate soon established a 
power beyond the control of the law. Caesar, de¬ 
sirous of obtaining the government of Gaul, but 
fearing lest, in his absence, Pompey might assume 
more pow r er than the treaty of association allowed to 
any of the three, endeavoured to bind him in a ma¬ 
trimonial alliance, and gave to him his daughter 
Julia in marriage. Caesar himself, soon afterwards, 
re-entered the conjugal state, with Calphurnia, the 
daughter of Piso, whom he had destined for his 
associate in the consulate, in the following year. 

Caesar having thus endeavoured to strengthen his 
interests by marriage, entered upon his province of the 
two Gauls. In two campaigns he carried the Roman 
arms triumphantly through the very heart of Gaul, 
and in the subsequentyear, (b.c. 55,) subdued the Ve- 
neti. By the lustre of his victories, he seemed to 
rival the fame of Pompey himself; and by his ad¬ 
dress and generosity, gained ground upon him daily 
in authority and influence among the people. It is 
said that Caesar, in the course of his nine Gallic cam¬ 
paigns, took eight hundred towns, subdued three 
hundred nations, defeated three millions of men, of 
which one million was slain in the field, and one mil- 


308 


CAIUS JULIUS (LESAR. 


lion made prisoners. The vicinity of Britain to 
Gaul had induced Caesar to attempt the conquest of 
that island. His first landing was severely con¬ 
tested; and his fleet being shattered by a storm, he 
deemed it prudent to retire. His second descent in 
the following year, (a. u. c. 699, b. c. 53,) was more 
successful,by reducing to peace Cassibelanus , kingof 
the country. While Caesar was engaged in this se¬ 
cond expedition into Britain, his daughter Julia, 
Pompey’s wife, died in childbed. This event was 
much deplored by all well-wishers to the public 
peace, who were aware, that when the league which 
had united the triumvirs, should chance to be dis¬ 
solved, the next contest would be for the single mas¬ 
tery of the empire. * Julia's death broke all Pom¬ 
pey’s ties with Caesar; and the death of Crassus in 
Partlua gave a new turn to the pretensions of the 
two rival generals. The continued victories in Gaul, 
alarmed the fears of the senate and the jealousies of 
Pompey. Being ordered by a decree of the senate to 
disband his army, Caesar passed the Rubicon. 
Pompey, to whom the aristocratical party had con¬ 
fided the management of the w’ar, retreated before 
Caesar, who, in two months’ time, (b. c. 48,) made 
himself master of all Italy. Pie pursued Pompey 
into Greece. The decisive battle of Pharsalia , 
(b. c. 47,) in which Pompey lost fifteen thousand 
men, compelled him to seek refuge in Egypt, where 
he fell by the hand of an assassin. When the head 
of Pompey was presented to Caesar, he evinced his 
sensibility by a flood of tears; and by his humanity 
on this, as on other occasions, testified his regret of 
those measures, into which he had been forced for the 
support of his own life and dignity. After having 
settled the government of Egypt upon Cleopatra, 
and defeated, with unusual rapidity, Pharnaces , king 
of the Bosphorus, he returned to Italy, in order to 
quell some disturbances, which had occurred in his 


CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 


309 

absence. Indefatigable in pursuing the friends and 
partizans of Pompey, Caesar next bent his course to 
Africa, where Labienus, Scipio, Juba, and Cato, were 
uniting their forces. Cato fell by his own hand at 
Utica , (b. c. 45,) in conformity to his principles of 
Stoic philosophy. Mauritania having been reduced 
to a Roman province, Caesar returned to Rome in 
triumph. The sons of Pompey vainly endeavoured 
to prolong the war in Spain: they were defeated, 
and Caesar thenceforth directed his attention to pro¬ 
mote the happiness of Rome by wise regulations, and 
to disarm opposition by unexampled clemency. 
But some remained, whom no kindness could ap¬ 
pease; others, perhaps, regretted the loss of the 
republic; others desired, from avarice and want, 
again to embroil the state. A conspiracy of sixty 
accomplices w'as formed by Brutus and Cassius; 
who, after debating on w r hat spot they should accom¬ 
plish their intentions, at last assailed their friend and 
benefactor in the senate-house. Caesar seeing him¬ 
self surrounded by daggers, wrapped up his head in 
his toga, and having spread it before his legs, that 
he might fall the more decently, he expired under 
three and twenty wounds, (b. c. 43,) in the fifty- 
sixth year of his age. 

Caesar is said, in person, to have been tall, of a 
fair complexion, round limbed, rather full faced, with 
black eyes. In his latter years, his baldness gave 
him uneasiness, and he was therefore fond of wearing 
a laurel crown, a privilege granted him by the se¬ 
nate. He was particular in dress, and affected 
neatness in his person. 

The qualities of his mind were many and extraor¬ 
dinary. In wine he was abstemious. Literature 
engaged his attention, even in the heat of the civil 
>var; and he is said to have used with equal force the 
pen and the sw’ord. He was a finished soldier: 
he was a perfect master of his weapons ; a complete 


310 


CA1US JULIUS CA2SAII. 


horseman; able to endure privation and fatigue; 
of unusual celerity in motion; and possessing an 
unbounded influence over the minds of his soldiers. 
In clemency he was truly great: he closed the civil 
war with a general amnesty, and ultimately fell a 
victim to his neglect of precautions against his ene¬ 
mies. 


Authorities.— Plutarch , Suetonius. 


APPENDIX, 


ox 

ROMAN LITERATURE. 


IN perusing the preceding pages, the youthful reader 
cannot fail to have observed, that the Romans must be 
characterised as a military nation. Their attention was ex¬ 
clusively directed to foreign conquests; and their institu¬ 
tions all powerfully tended to awaken and nurse the spirit 
cf warlike enterprise. The consuls and generals, whose 
offices seldom exceeded the duration of a year, were anx¬ 
ious to distinguish that short period by some brilliant me¬ 
morial of their name; so that if legitimate causes of war 
with foreign nations did not present themselves, the pre¬ 
texts of aggression were readily invented by the cravings 
of ambition and vanity. While we cannot but admire the 
fortitude and patience, which the Romans exhibited while 
defending themselves from foreign enemies, humanity 
must reprobate that thirst of empire, which desolated 
whole provinces, and trampled under foot the most sacred 
duties of justice. We will dedicate the remaining pages 
of our little volume to a concise review of Roman literature. 
This change of subject may not be uninteresting from its 
variety, and will exhibit a contrast to scenes of war and 
carnage. The limits of our work will compel us to give 
but a faint sketch of Roman genius: let the reader, by 
consulting more diffusive criticism, enlarge his knowledge; 








312 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


we must content ourselves with pointing out the general 
landmarks. 

Some writers have ascribed to the Latin tongue, the four 
ages, which poets have assigned to the moral condition of 
mankind—the ages of Gold, of Silver, of Brass, and of 
Iron. We shall adopt the arrangement which disposes the 
ages of the Latin language—I. Into Infancy and Boy¬ 
hood; II. Youth; III. Manhood; IY. Old Age in its 
vigour and in its languor. 

I. Infancy and Boyhood. 

This period extends from Itomulus to the Second Punic 
War. At this time, the language was so barbarous and 
uncouth, that the Romans, even just before the birth of 
Cicero, were unable to comprehend the rude effusions of 
their ancestors. Some fragments of the early laws, of the 
Salian hymns, of the Pontifical and Augural books, remain 
to us, quoted in the writings of Festus, A. Gellius, Macro- 
bius, and other grammarians. 

II. The Youth. 

The youth of the Roman language extends from the Se¬ 
cond Punic War to the age of Cicero. 

The Romans, who had hitherto been occupied in arms, 
now grew more civilized, and, after the arrival of Ennius 
and Pacuvius at Rome, began to cherish literature. But 
as most commencements are mean and feeble, so did it fare 
with the Latin tongue; for this period, though productive 
of great genius, Avas rude, imperfect, and unpolished; 
and, with the exception of Plautus, Terence, and Lucre¬ 
tius, we discover little suavity in the writings, Avhich, like 
the fragments of a shipwreck, ha\ r e descended to us. It is 
a singular circumstance, that as poets were the first who 
imparted strength and dignity to the Roman tongue, so 
were they the last Avho, Avhen its splendour and purity 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


313 


v 


were almost extinct, retained some portion of its former 
elegance. In this period flourished: 

II. 1. Livius Andronicus. 

He flourished 238 before the Christian era. He was the 
first that (a. c. 239) introduced a dramatic performance on 
the Roman stage. In nation, he was a Greek, and the 
slave of M. Livius Salinator, whose children he instructed. 
He received his liberty from his master, whose affections 
he had conciliated by his talents. He wrote various 
poems, an Odyssey, tragedies, hymns to the Supreme Deity. 
Very few fragments of his writings are preserved. 

II. 2. C. Njevius. 

He was born in Campania. He served in the first Pu¬ 
nic War; but, for the freedom with which he censured all 
the leading men of Rome, he was expelled from the city, 
and died at Utica, in Africa, 233, a. c. He wrote a poem 
on the First Punic War, tragedies and comedies, and 
satires. Cicero speaks favourably of Naevius. A few 
fragments of his works are preserved. 

II. 3. Quintus Fabius Pictor. 

He was descended from the ancient and illustrious fa¬ 
mily of the Fabii. He flourished about the Second Punic 
War. He was the first Roman that recorded, in prose, the 
antiquities and events of the Romans. He wrote 4 Annals, ’ 
both in the Greek and Latin language, and some books de 
Jure Pontificio. Few fragments remain. 

II. 4. Quintus Ennius 

Flourished from 239, a. c. to 169. He was born at Rudii 
in Calabria. He served in the second Punic War. He 
was afterwards carried by Cato to Rome, where he in¬ 
structed the youth in the Greek language, and, by his wit 
and erudition, he conciliated the friendship of the great 

p 




314 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


men of his time. His works are 4 Annals of Rome,’ and 
4 Scipio,’ in heroic verse; various tragedies; a version of 
Euripides’ Hecuba; comedies, epigrams, satires, &c. Ci¬ 
cero and Virgil, and other writers, held Ennius in much 
esteem. 


II. 5. Marcus Porcius Cato 

Was born a. c. 235, and died 149. He was a Tuscan by 
birth, and by his countrymen was denominated Priscus. 
Upon his arrival at Rome, he received the name of 4 Cato,’ 
on account of his penetration and wisdom. In his youth he 
served several campaigns, and bore all the offices and ma¬ 
gistracies of Rome. He had the credit of being a skilful 
husbandman, a good statesman, a profound lawyer, a great 
general, a tolerable orator. He was surnamed 44 the El¬ 
der,” and 44 Censorius;” which latter appellation he deriv¬ 
ed from his inflexible severity in exercising the office of 
the censorship. His zeal for the public good, and for the 
promotion of pure morals, involved him in many enmities* 
He was the sworn foe of Carthage; and concluded all his 
orations with 44 delenda est Carthago.” 

CD 

He wrote 4 Origines,’ 4 De Re Militari,’ Orations, and 
other works, which are lost. There remains his treatise 
on (de re rustica) Agriculture; but some critics have con¬ 
sidered this a spurious production. Cato, like Ennius, is 
said to have introduced many new words into the Latin 
language. 


II. G. Marcus Accius Plautus 

Was born at Darsinna in Umbria, a. c. 227 : he died, 184. 
Having made considerable property by his writings, he em¬ 
barked in mercantile adventures; whose unsuccessful re¬ 
sult reduced him to such a state of poverty, that he ivas 
compelled to hire himself to a baker, and work at the hand- 
mill. He wrote one hundred and thirty comedies, of 
which twenty remain. He is said to have considered his 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


315 


Epidicus as the best of his productions. Moliere, in his 
‘ L’Avare,’ has imitated the Aulularia of Plautus; Te¬ 
rence, in his Eunuchus, has copied the Miles Gloriosus; 
while Dryden has borrowed the plot of the Ampliitryo. 
His style is considered perspicuous, if we except his obso¬ 
lete phrases, the words of his own invention, and the expres¬ 
sions, which Avere intended to excite the laughter of the 
audience. A perusal of Plautus will tend to increase our 
knowledge of the Latin language; but Ave cannot but be 
offended by his A T ulgarities and obscenities, though his hu¬ 
mour Avill perpetually excite our laughter. The most use¬ 
ful edition of this poet is that by Schmieder, 8vo. Got- 
tingb. 1804. 


II. 7* Statius C.ecilius. 

This author is supposed to have been a Milanese. The 
time of his birth is uncertain : he died, 1G9, a. c. He Avas 
the intimate friend of Scipio, Terence, and Ennius. He 
Avas born in a state of servitude, and assumed the name of 
Caecilius upon being made free. A few fragments remain 
of his comedies. His comic poAver is commended in Au- 
lus Gellius ; but his style is censured by Cicero. 

II. 8. Marcus Pacuvius 

Was born at Brundusium, 152, a. c. He died at Ta- 
rentum, in the ninetieth year of his age. Cicero and Quin¬ 
tilian concur in commending his tragic genius, which con¬ 
tinued so unimpaired by time, that he ceased not to culti¬ 
vate tragedy until he had reached his eightieth year. But 
few fragments remain of his works. 

II. 0. Publius Terentius Afeb. 

This celebrated writer Avas born a slaA r e at Carthage, 
192, a. c. His powers of mind so conciliated his master, 
that he was soon presented with his liberty. Scipio yEmi- 
lianus, and Laelius, are said to have assisted the poet in 

p 2 




316 


ROMAN LITERATURE* 


composing his comedies, which were attended not only with 
fame, but with profit. His daughter was married to a 
Homan knight, to whom he bequeathed his garden, twenty 
acres in extent. Terence has left six comedies, distin¬ 
guished by their suavity, purity of style, and, what some 
critics deny to him, by considerable comic power. His cha¬ 
racters are marked with great skill and consistency: and 
his plots are much valued for their unity and probability. 
The Grecian poet, Menander, was his great model. The 
estimation, in which this writer is held, is best evinced by 
the almost innumerable editions of his works. 

II. 10. Ennius Lucilius. 

He lived about 121, a. c. The place of his birth was 
Suessa Aurunca. He was a Roman knight, who dedicated 
himself to letters, from the pleasure which he derived from 
the pursuit. He was the great uncle of the celebrated 
Pompey. We have a few fragments of his Satires, in 
which he indulged with so much acrimony, as “ to have 
spared neither gods nor men.” 

II. 11. Titus Lucretius Carus. 

Titus Lucretius Carus, a Roman knight, was born b. c. 
05. He is said to have died in the forty-fourth year of his 
age, in consequence of a love-potion, administered to him 
by his wife. He composed, in heroic metre, six books, 
“ De Rerum Natura;” an elegant work, full of the most 
beautiful imagery, and distinguished by grandeur of de¬ 
scription, as well as by an engaging tenderness. His style 
is somewhat obscured by obsolete expressions; but even 
his quaint expressions have the imposing air of some old 
and venerable building. His poem may be considered as 
a curious repository of the sentiments which the ancient 
philosophers entertained, relative to the creation of the 
world, and the general phenomena of nature. Lucretius' 
was much esteemed by Cicero, who revised the poem; 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


317 


Virgil lias liberally borrowed from him phrases and verses ; 
and Ovid affirms, that the writings of the sublime Lucre¬ 
tius will not perish but with the world itself 

III. The Manhood of the Roman Language: from the time of 
Sulla to the death of the emperor Augustus. 

This is the period in which Roman literature is dis¬ 
tinguished both by its strength and its beauty. Studious 
and literary men laboured, during this interval, that their 
language should be clothed with dignity and splendour, 
while even statesmen dedicated a considerable portion of 
their time, to the cultivation of letters and of eloquence, 
without which few honours could be obtained in the repub¬ 
lic. The name of orator then comprehended the know¬ 
ledge of all sciences and subjects. The Romans, most dis¬ 
tinguished by their rank and opulence, extended the most 
efficacious patronage to literary men. Pompey and Caesar, 
themselves scholars, were emulous in exciting, by rewards 
and honours, such as would direct their attention to purify 
the Roman tongue. The munificence of Maecenas and of 
his master Augustus, amply loaded with marks of favour a 
Virgil and a Horace, and other poets, who, thus rescued 
from the anxieties of poverty, were enabled to dedicate 
their talents to the Muses. The Romans began to imitate, 
and perhaps may be said to excel, their masters, the 
Greeks, with the exception of tragedy. The mansions of 
the great were decorated with the choicest statues of 
Greece; and, by the contemplation of those exquisite mo¬ 
dels, the taste for the elegant arts was promoted and re¬ 
fined. The Roman youth, after being carefully instructed 
in the niceties and properties of their native tongue, were 
sent, at a maturer age, to Athens and Rhodes, where they 
might study philosophy and rhetoric under the most distin¬ 
guished professors. Public libraries were instituted at 
Rome, and were liberally open to the student. A spirit of 
the most ardent emulation was awakened; and the term of 


318 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


“Augustan Age,” implies whatever is beautiful and per¬ 
fect in the literature of Home. In reviewing the authors 
of this period, we will first mention, 

III. 1 . Marcus Terentius Varro. 

He was born, b. c. 117, and died, b. c. 27. Varro dedi¬ 
cated himself to letters from his earliest youth, under the 
instruction of L. iEmilius, a man well skilled both in the 
Greek and Latin languages. He served some campaigns 
in his youth; and, during the civil war, was a partisan of 
Pompey. He afterwards made a prudent surrender to 
Ceesar; and by him was commissioned to model and collect 
a public library. "When the civil war was renewed by An¬ 
tony, Varro was stripped of all his fortune, and driven into 
banishment. Augustus recalled him, in more tranquil 
times, and Varro closed at Rome a long and peaceful old 
age. 

Some fragments of Varro’s works De Lingua Latina, and 
De Re Rustica, have come down to us. He also wrote some 
“ Menippean Satires,” i. e. satires in prose, enlivened with 
poetical effusions in various metres. 

III. 2. Marcus Tullius Cicero. 

This distinguished orator has occupied a considerable 
portion of our attention in the preceding pages, (see pp. 2G5— 
289,) we will not, therefore, trespass upon our readers with 
a repetition of remarks, relating to his political life. His 
writings are usually divided into four classes; his Rhetori¬ 
cal works, his Orations, his Epistles, and his Philosophical 
treatises. He aimed at equalling the Greeks in almost 
every species of literature. He possessed a wonderful art 
in adapting his language to the variety of his subject; and 
could differ from himself, even on similar subjects. Thus 
his orations display, at the same time, the most diffusive 
eloquence or the most careful precision, in reference to the 
different dispositions of his hearers; and thus he was equally 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


319 


irresistible in the senate and in the rostra. His writings have 
been the perpetual object of study to all, who are anxious 
to appreciate the beauty of the Roman language; nor can a 
more eloquent panegyric be passed upon Cicero, than the 
observation of Quintilian, that we must judge of our pro¬ 
ficiency, in proportion to the pleasure which we derive 
from perusing the works of Cicero. 

III. 3. Caius Julius Caesar. 

This illustrious man is no less distinguished by the use 
of his pen than of his sword. The chief incidents of his life 
have been detailed, at pp.29G—310. In his style there is a pe¬ 
culiar beauty, which is difficult to be imitated; nor is there 
any one writer who more powerfully tends to exemplify 
the peculiarities and idiomatic turn of the Latin tongue. 
He was eminent as a grammarian, poet, orator, historian, 
and lawyer. The greater part of his writings have perish¬ 
ed: we have seven books relative to his Avars in Gaul, and 
three books detailing the events of the Civil War. 

III. 4. Cornelius Nepos. 

The birth and parentage of this Avriter are uncertain. 
He Avas a Veronese, and is supposed to have passed an ob¬ 
scure and literary life at Rome. He died, b. c. 30. He 
has left “The Lives of Eminent Commanders,” and frag¬ 
ments of other books. His style is pure and elegant. As 
an historian he does not go into any minute detail, but 
seems to content himself Avilh confining his attention to 
those exploits, the memoi’ial of which might awaken, among 
his countrymen, the love of liberty and of patriotism. 

III. 5. Caius Sallustius Crispus 

Was born b. c. 85, at Amiternum, in the district of the Sa¬ 
bines, and, as it is thought, of humble parentage. His 
youth Avas distinguished by his love of literature, and o 
guilty pleasure, though he afterwards became the bitterest 


S20 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


censor of the vices which disgraced his countrymen. In 
the civil wars, he was befriended by Caesar, who restored 
him to the senate, from which he had been expelled. He 
was afterwards invested with the government of Numidia, 
which he drained with the most disgraceful extortions. He 
died, b. c. 35. He wrote the history of the war with Ju- 
gurtha, and of the conspiracy of Catiline. As a writer, he 
formed himself upon the model of Thucydides, and his 
style is distinguished by elegance and precision. Severe 
critics have censured him as being too long in his occa¬ 
sional orations, which he ascribes to his characters; as 
being too desultory and digressive, especially in the open¬ 
ing of his histories; as abounding too much in obsolete ex¬ 
pressions, Greek idioms, and poetical forms; and, what 
is a more important defect in an historian, as being too vio¬ 
lent a partisan. 

III. 6. Titus Livius. 

Little more is known of Titus Livius, than that he was 
born at Padua; that, though an admirer of Pompey, he 
was honoured with the friendship of Augustus; that Livia 
intrusted to him the education of Claudius, the brother of 
Germanicus; and that he died at Padua, a. d. 17, at the 
age of seventy or seventy-six. 

His History of Rome originally consisted of one hundred 
and forty books, from the foundation of Rome to the death 
of Drusus, the grandson of Augustus. It is supposed that the 
whole of Livy was in being in the year 1517, in the 
public library of Magdeburg ; that a canon of the city stole 
it; and that it was destroyed, when the city was plundered 
in the year 1631. At present only thirty-five books are 
extant; so that the historian fails us at the period when 
his history would have been most instructive, and our cu¬ 
riosity is most excited. He employed forty-five books to 
bring down his history to the breaking out of the third 
Punic war; but he employed ninety-five to bring it down 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


32 1 


from thence to the death of Drusus, i. e. through the course 
of one hundred and thirty years. The state of the govern¬ 
ment, the intrigues and machinations against public li¬ 
berty, from Catiline to Cresar, the characters of the princi¬ 
pal actors on the public stage, the whole progress of go¬ 
vernment, from liberty to servitude, would then have been 
displayed in the clearest view. The loss of Livy’s writings 
on such important points, made Bolingbroke say, that he 
would gladly exchange what we have of Livy’s history 
for what vve have not. 

Asinius Pollio, a cotemporary of Livy, charges him with 
il patavinity,” a term which critics have been unable to 
explain; some applying it to provincial peculiarities of 
expression ; some to his modes of spelling, as sibe for sibi; 
some to his political principles, as if the Paduans were 
staunch Pompeians. He has been censured for detailing, 
with all the seriousness of belief, so many prodigies: and 
yet it may be truly remarked, that the most exalted intel¬ 
lect, where a future state is a matter of conjecture, and not 
established by the sanctions of an inspired teacher, can 
never wholly divest itself of superstitious fears. Lord 
Monboddo has a long and severe critique on Livy: but his 
lordship’s taste, or at least his national partiality, may be 
suspected, when he pronounces Livy to be inferior to Bu¬ 
chanan. But whatever are the minor defects of Livy, all 
true critics must concur in pronouncing, that his style is 
laboured without affectation, diffusive without tedious¬ 
ness, and argumentative without pedantry; that his de- - 
scriptions are lively and picturesque; that his orations, 
though occasionally ill-placed, are specimens of true elo¬ 
quence, and admirably adapted to the character of the 
speakers ; in short, that his genius was commensurate with 
his subject—the grandeur of imperial Rome. His reputa¬ 
tion was so widely extended, that an inhabitant of Cadi± 
journeyed to Rome for no other purpose than to see I ivy; 
and after ratifying his curiosity, he instantly returned. 

P 5 




322 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


“ An extraordinary circumstance, (says St. Jerome,) that 
a stranger, upon entering Home, should there look for 
something else than Home itself.” 

III. 7* Marcus Vitruvius Pollio 

Flourished in the times of Caesar, and Augustus, b. c. 44. 
He was born in the country of Verona ; but who were his 
parents, what was his native city, or when he died, (he 
himself states that he reached an extreme old age,) are par¬ 
ticulars unknown. He appears to have received a good 
education, and to have served under Caesar. Augustus con¬ 
signed to his charge the care of his instruments of war; 
and, at the establishment of peace, he was the superintend- 
ant of public buildings. Vitruvius has written ten books 
on Architecture. His style is considered to be infected 
with new and foreign words; but he is commended for 
his professional knowledge. 

From the prose writers , who flourished in the Manhood of the 
Roman tongue , toe will now proceed to enumerate the principal 
Poets. 

III. 8. Caius Valerius Catullus 

Was born, about 8G, b. c. The year of his death is uncer¬ 
tain. His poems are chiefly amatory, in which he has 
evinced so much purity of style and depth of feeling, that, 
by some critics, the Graces are said to have built their 
temple in the breast of Catullus. In his versification he is 
often rough; and his sentiments are too often impure and 
obscene. From his imitation of the Greek poets, he was 
distinguished among his contemporaries by the name of 
Learned. 


III. 0 . Albius Tibullus 

Was born at Home about G4, b. c. He was a Homan 
knight, and though apparently attached to tranquillity and 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


323 


rural leisure, he attended his friend Valerius Messala upon 
a military expedition. His poems are distinguished by 
that characteristic of true affection, simplicity. He has 
left three Books of Elegies. 

III. 10. Sextus Aurelius Propertius 

Was born in Umbria, b. c. 58; died, according to some, 
b. c. 15. He originally cultivated jurisprudence, but 
being stripped of his patrimony, when Augustus distributed 
land to his soldiers, Propertius gave himself up to the study 
of poetry, under the patronage of Mtecenas. He wrote four 
books of Elegies; three of which were published in his life¬ 
time. He was the imitator of Callimachus. His style is 
distinguished by purity of idiom, and by occasional loftiness 
of thought; but, as an amatory writer, he is censured for 
his pedantry, and unseasonable display of learning. 

III. 11. Publius Virgilius Maro 

Was born at Andes, near Mantua, 70, b. c. His birthday 
was considered so sacred by some poets, that several have 
distinguished it by a festive banquet, or offered up the 
poems of some vile writer, as a sacrifice to his manes. 
Virgil was stripped of his patrimony, when the veterans of 
Augustus were rewarded by donations of land; but he soon 
retrieved his losses by the patronage of Asinius Pollio, 
Maecenas, and even of Augustus. His principal writings 
are his Bucolics, Georgies, and ASneid. In his Bucolics he 
imitates Theocritus ; but his swains have not the simplicity 
and rural air of the Sicilian bard. The Georgies relate to 
agriculture, the management of bees, &c. In these poems, 
Hesiod was the model of Virgil, but is far surpassed by his 
imitator: the style of the Georgies is considered to be the 
most exquisite specimen of lloman purity. It is impossi¬ 
ble, in our narrow limit, to discuss the merits of the 
.Eneis, in which poem Virgil narrates the adventures of 
dSneas, from the commencement of his voyage from Troy, 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


£24 

to his fortunate establishment in Italy. Scaliger, Raping 
Burke, and others, have deemed Virgil superior to Homer, 
his great master. This opinion has not been generally re¬ 
ceived : but while we concede to Homer the praise of origi¬ 
nality and sublimity, we must ascribe to Virgil, as a pecu¬ 
liar characteristic, the most affecting tenderness. He 
died, a. d. 19. 

III. 12. Quintus Hoiiatius Flaccus. 

Horace was born about 65 years b. c. He was a native 
of Venusium, and of low birth. His father paid great at¬ 
tention to his education, and confided him to the instruc¬ 
tion of Orbilius, a master well known at Rome by his se¬ 
verity. Upon the death of Julius Csesar, Horace sought 
refuge at Athens, and there dedicated himself to philoso¬ 
phy and the Muses. His philosophy did not consist in 
strict adherence to any particular system; but seems to 
have been little more than a knowledge of men and 
manners, and a resolution to avail himself of all enjoyments 
which fortune might present. When tranquillity was re¬ 
stored to Italy, Horace, by his urbanity and genius, soon 
conciliated the friendship of Mcecenas and Augustus. His 
poems are written partly in lyric measure, and partly in the 
heroic. In the latter he aims, not at grandeur of style; 
but in an easy and unembarassed manner, discusses points 
of criticism, or addresses his epistolary effusions to friends ; 
evincing, throughout the whole, great amiability of dispo¬ 
sition, and the purest principles of taste. By his odes, he 
has established his superiority, at least over Roman wri¬ 
ters, if not over Grecian and modern lyrics. He rises to 
considerable sublimity, and can descend into the most 
graceful ease and playfulness. He died at the age of fifty- 


seven. 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


325 


III. 13. Publius Ovidius Naso. 

This poet was born at Sulmo, in a town of the Peligni, 
and of equestrian family. Prevented by his parents from 
the cultivation of poetry, to which, while yet a boy, he was 
strongly attached, he repaired to Pome, and was consider¬ 
ably occupied in legal and civil pursuits. Upon the death 
of his father, he retired from all public employments, and 
totally surrendered himself to the Muses. His poetical 
talents recommended him to the notice of Augustus, who, 
afterwards offended by some secret cause, banished the poet 
to Tomos. Exile seems to have deadened the poet’s 
powers: he importuned Augustus and Tiberius, in the 
most abject strains, for permission to return; but they 
were inexorable. Ovid died, b. c. 17« His writings con¬ 
sist chiefly of amatory productions, in elegiac measure; 
and of Metamorphoses, a poem, in heroic metre, in which 
he has introduced and ingeniously combined all the trans¬ 
formations of note, among poets and mythologists. His 
style is elegant, pure, flowing, and delicate: there is a grace 
in his very negligence. He is apt to pursue a thought to 
an unwarrantable length; but even this is a fault of abun¬ 
dance, and not of sterility. In his amatory poems he is 
too often licentious, and fdrgot that no exertion of genius 
can excuse obscenity. 

III. 14. Caius Pedo Albinovanus 

Flourished about 1G, a. d. He was intimate with Ovid. 
He has left little more than a very elegant elegy on the 
death of Drusus Nero. 

III. 15. Publius Syrus 

Lived in the times of Caesar and Augustus. He was born 
in Syria, in a state of slavery, ltescued from servitude by 
his talents, he cultivated mimic poetry, and was preferred 
by Caesar, ever, to the celebrated Laberius, his rival. He 


326 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


has left Mirra , i. e. short and pointed iambic sentences, 
which are highly esteemed as precepts of life and conduct. 

Ill, 16. Marcus Manilius 

Flourished in the reign of Augustus. He was the first 
Homan poet, that wrote upon astronomical subjects. His 
poem “ de Sideribus,” consists of five books, the fifth being 
somewhat mutilated. Some critics suppose, that the poem 
originally extended even to a greater length. The novelty 
and difficulty of the subject have exposed Manilius to con¬ 
siderable harshness arid obscurity; but his poem is much 
esteemed for the energy and flow of its language, and for 
the elegance of description. 


IV. The approaching Old Age of the Homan Language: 
from the death of Augustus Caesar , to the death of Trajan. 

This period produced many distinguished authors, who, 
if the state had been blessed with liberty, might have emu¬ 
lated the learning and genius of happier periods : but the 
decay ofliberty brought with it a decay of intellect. The 
mind, depressed by the frowns of tyrants, becomes ener¬ 
vated, and incapable of soaring to any sublime height. 
True and vigorous eloquence was lost in tumour and bom¬ 
bast, while it had little scope for exertion but the base 
adulation of unworthy rulers. The conflux of foreigners to 
Rome unavoidably corrupted the simple and pure idiom of 
the Latin language. There were not wanting some pa¬ 
trons who fostered literature; while the recollection of 
former writers, the love of books, the custom of public re¬ 
citations, the access to libraries, were still so many supports 
to declining genius. We will take a brief review of those 
writers, whose works, for the most part, have been pre¬ 
served. Let us first advert to the prose writers. 



ROMAN LITERATURE. 


327 


IV. 1 . Caius Velleius Paterculus 

Was born b. c. 19, and died at the age of forty-nine. He 
was a Roman by birth, of an illustrious Neapolitan family. 
After various military gradations, he obtained the offices of 
quaestor and praetor. By the excess of his flattery, he in¬ 
sinuated himself into the favour of Tiberius, and of his 
minister Sejanus; but is supposed to have been involved in 
the disgrace and death of that favourite. Paterculus has 
left nearly two books, of a compendious view of Roman his¬ 
tory, distinguished by a florid elegance. He is more of an 
orator than an historian ; and his unbounded adulation to¬ 
wards the family of Augustus, has caused his fidelity as an 
historian to be somewhat suspected. His chief excellence was 
in sketching characters with a few short strokes, lie pre¬ 
sents us with many curious details relative to the origin of 
ancient states; and what is somewhat unusual in ancient 
writers, he pays considerable attention to the accuracy of 
his dates. 

IV. 2. Lucius Annjeus Seneca 

Was born at Corduba, 2 b. c. While yet a boy, he was 
carried to Rome by his father, and studied in all the schools 
of moral philosophy, with unremitted attention. His fru¬ 
gality, as well as his reputation, procured for him im¬ 
mense wealth, and no small portion of envy. Under the 
emperor Claudius, he was banished, through the hatred of 
Messalina, to the island of Corsica; but by the favour of 
Agrippina, the second wife of Claudius, he was recalled, 
after the lapse of eight years. He had not so immersed 
himself in the questions of philosophy, as to incapacitate 
him for the discharge of civil duties; but, upon his re¬ 
turn from Corsica, he was quaestor, praetor, and, as some 
think, consul. The education of Nero was intrusted to 
him; and the pupil for a while testified respect for his 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


328 

master by loading him with honours and riches. The im¬ 
perial favour was not durable: Nero, yielding to the in¬ 
stigations of his wife, Poppaea, ordered Seneca to die r 
leaving the mode of death to the choice of the philosopher. 
He opened a vein; and expired, with great fortitude, a. d. 
66. His writings principally relate to moral philosophy. 
His style has been often criticised: we subjoin a few tes¬ 
timonies, which judiciously characterize his manner. 

Of all ingenious writers, Seneca is the least capable of 
reducing his thoughts to the boundaries of good sense. He 
would always please; and he is so afraid that a thought 
which is beautiful in itself, should not strike, that he re¬ 
presents it in all its lights, and beautifies it with all the co¬ 
lours he can throw upon it: so that one may say of him, 
what his father said of an orator of his time: “By repeat¬ 
ing the same thought, and turning it several ways, he 
spoils it: not being satisfied with once saying a thing well, 
he improves its merit quite away.” (Bouhours.) Seneca 
perfumes his thoughts with musk and amber, which, at 
last, affect the head; they are pleasing at first, but very 
offensive afterwards. (Palav’icino.) Seneca is extraordi¬ 
nary, when we consider him in parts; but wearies the mind 
if we read much of him. His beauties become disagreeable 
by being too much crowded, and because he seemed re¬ 
solved to say nothing that was plain, but to turn every 
thing into point and conceit. (Nicole.) Whatever may be 
the faults of Seneca, they are those of genius if not of judg¬ 
ment: his sentiments are often sublime and striking, and 
liis images singularly apt and beautiful. He may have 
done mischief as a model, but who would be without him 
as a specimen ? (Aikin.) If a writer could be estimated by his 
works, a purer moralist could not easily be found, though 
they are marked by a tumid pride peculiar to the stoic 
sect. The reading of Seneca may, however, be very bene¬ 
ficial to youth, when their taste and judgment begin to be 
formed by the study of Cicero. Seneca is an original capa- 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


329 


ble of giving wit to others, and of making invention easy to 
them. A great many passages may be borrowed from him, 
which will accustom youth to find thoughts of themselves. 
But the master must direct them in it, and not leave them 
to themselves, lest they should mistake the very faults of 
Seneca for beauties. (Rollin.) 

IV. 3. Valerius Maximus 

Was a Roman; a patrician by birth. He served under 
Sextus Pompey in Asia. He flourished in the reign of Ti¬ 
berius, to whom he dedicates his work “ On the memora¬ 
ble Acts and Sayings of the Ancients.” The style is con¬ 
sidered rude, and unworthy of the age in which Valerius 
lived: but, though little taste and judgment are displayed 
in the collection, yet it has been the means of preserving 
many valuable anecdotes and examples of moral excel¬ 
lence. 


IV. 4, Quintus Curtius Rufus. 

The learned world has been much divided as to the 
exact period in which this historian lived. Bagnolo sup¬ 
poses that he wrote his history in the last years of Con¬ 
stantine the Great; Vossius fixes it under the reign of 
Vespasian; and the learned Tillemont (Hist, des Em- 
pereurs, 370) in that of Claudius. But, without any de¬ 
cision of this question, it is sufficient to observe that the 
style leaves us not any room to doubt of its being written 
when the public taste was on its decline. 

We are told that Nero gilt the statue of Alexander by 
.Lysippus, imagining to enhance its value. Q. Curtius 
acted upon the same principle, when he supposed that the 
flowers of his imagination would add a fresh wreath of 
glory to Alexander’s laurels: but the hero and the artist 
lost by these foolish decorations. The Roman historian 
gives way to an excessive passion for descriptions; and 


330 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


without considering whether they are connected with the 
incidents of which he treats, he frequently introduces them 
abruptly. In endeavouring to make his pictures brilliant, 
they are incorrect; in attempting to enrich them, they be¬ 
come confused. The episodical details respecting the 
courses of the rivers Marsyas, Pasitigris, and Zioberis in 
Hyrcania, engross his attention, in preference to events of 
real consequence. From an insatiable fondness for these 
descriptions, many important circumstances are neglected, 
and the war between Alexander and Porus is scarcely no¬ 
ticed, though both Adrian and Strabo have mentioned it. 
He is very inattentive to his geography. Gordium is 
removed twenty-seven leagues out of its place; Arabia 
Deserta is mistaken for Arabia Felix; the Tigris and Eu¬ 
phrates are said to cross Media; the Caspian Sea is said to 
communicate with the Indian Ocean: the Cimmerian 
Bosphorus is removed into Asia; Bactriana and Gordiana 
are confounded. In the last two books he passes with such 
rapidity from one transaction to another, that we have 
reason to apprehend many essential facts have been either 
totally forgotten, or very much neglected. 

We must not, however, refuse to Q,. Curtius the merits 
of a brilliant and fruitful imagination; of a warm and 
picturesque mode of colouring; and of a grace and energy, 
which hardly any of the modern languages can make their 
own. The speeches of the persons that he brings forward 
on the stage, are not ever without interest, and they are 
sometimes moving and pathetic. These are beauties, 
which would command our approbation in any other work, 
where the stern authority of history did not consider them 
as inadmissible. 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


331 


IV. 5. Titus Petronius Arbiter 

Lived under the reigns of Claudius and Nero. He was a 
native of Marseilles, of equestrian family. Under Nero 
he was created consul, and was appointed by that prince to 
regulate and conduct the luxuries and festivities of his 
household; from which office he derived the name of 
Arbiter. By the jealousy and intrigues of Tigellinus, he 
fell under the displeasure of Nero; and to avoid that ty¬ 
rant’s cruelty, he opened his own veins, and died with an 
affectation of cheerfulness and hilarity. He exhibits a 
singular example of elegant writing and abandoned life. 
Though he passed his days in slumber, and his nights in 
revelry, he found time to compose his “ Satyr icon;" in 
which, partly in verse, and partly in prose, he lashes the 
vices and luxuries of his age, and even spares not the em¬ 
peror Claudius, whom he represents under the character of 
Trimalchion. This work is mutilated and imperfect; it is 
distinguished by great purity of style; and the barbarisms 
which are occasionally introduced, are not to be ascribed to 
Petronius, but to the characters whom he represents. It 
is unnecessary to add, that the Satyricon is disgraced by 
great obscenity. 


IV. C. Caius Plintus Secundus Major 

Was born at Verona, 23, a. d. and died at the age of fifty- 
six. Some are of opinion that he was born at Novocomo. 
He discharged several public offices, both at Rome and in 
the provinces. His desire of being a near witness to an 
eruption of Vesuvius, proved fatal to him. An interesting- 
account of his death has been recorded by his nephew, 
Pliny, in the lGth and 20th letters of the 6th book. Of all 
his numerous writings, nothing remains to us but thirty- 
seven books of his history of Nature. This work, compiled 
from an infinity of various authors, attests the diligence, 
labour, and learning of Pliny, and has rendered his memory 


382 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


dear to the philosopher, philologist, physician, historian, 
and to every professor of every branch of knowledge. In 
the great variety of subject and reference, which the work 
of‘ Pliny comprises, it is no wonder that his style should 
have been, as it were, beguiled from the true Homan pu¬ 
rity, and somewhat corrupted by rustic and barbarous ex¬ 
pressions. Many of his accounts attest his credulity, and 
prove, that in ascertaining the qualities and properties of 
nature, he was not sufficiently accurate in his researches. 
We have, above, made an allusion to the account which 
the younger Pliny has recorded of his uncle’s death; from 
the same writer we will extract some particulars, which il¬ 
lustrate the industrious and literary habits of the elder 
Pliny:— 

u The first book he published, was a treatise concerning 
the art of using the javelin on horseback: this he wrote when 
he commanded a troop of horse, and it is drawn up with 
great accuracy and judgment. The life of Pomponius Se~ 
Gtindus , in two volumes: Pomponius had a very great affec¬ 
tion for him, and he thought he owed this tribute to his 
memory. The history of the wars in Germany , twenty books , 
in which he gave an account of all the battles vee xvere en¬ 
gaged in against that nation. A dream which he had when 
he served in the army in Germany, first suggested to him 
the design of this work. He imagined that Drusus Nero 
(who extended his conquests very far into that country, 
and there lost his life) appeared to him in his sleep, and 
conjured him not to suffer his memory to be buried in ob¬ 
livion. He has left us likewise a treatise upon eloquence , di¬ 
vided into six volumes. In this work he takes the orator 
from his cradle, and leads him on till he has carried him up 
to the highest point of perfection in this art. In the latter 
part of Nero’s reign, when the tyranny of the times made 
it dangerous to engage in studies of a more free and ele¬ 
vated spirit, he published a piece of criticism in eight books, 
concerning ambiguity in expression. He has completed the 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


33 $ 

history which Aufidius Bassus left unfinished, and has added 
to it thirty books. And lastly, he has left thirty-seven books 
upon the subject of natural history: this is a work of great 
compass and learning, and almost as full of variety as na¬ 
ture herself. You will wonder how a man so engaged as 
he was, could find lime to compose such a number of 
books; and some of them too upon abstruse subjects. But 
your surprise will rise still higher, when you hear, that 
for some time he engaged in the profession of an advocate ; 
that he died in his fifty-sixth year; that, from the time of 
his quitting the bar to his death, he was employed in the 
execution of the highest posts, and in the service of his 
prince. But he had a quick apprehension, joined to un¬ 
wearied application. In summer he always began his 
studies as soon as it was night, (i. e. at sunset ,) in winter 
generally at one in the morning, but never later than two, 
and often at midnight. No man ever spent less time in 
bed, insomuch that he would sometimes, without retiring 
from his book, take a short sleep, and then pursue his stu¬ 
dies. Before day-break he used to wait upon Vespasian, 
who likewise chose that season to transact business. When 
he had finished the affairs which that emperor committed 
to his charge, he returned home again to his studies. After 
a short and light repast at noon, (agreeably to the good old 
custom of our ancestors,) he would frequently in the sum¬ 
mer, if he was disengaged from business, repose himself in 
the sun, during which time some author was read to him, from 
whence he made extracts and observations ; as indeed this 
was his constant method whatever book he read: for it was 
a maxim of his, that ‘ no book was so bad but something 
might be learned from it.’ When this was over, he gene¬ 
rally went into the cold bath ; and as soon as he came out 
of it, just took a slight refreshment, and then reposed him¬ 
self for a little while. Thus, as if it had been a new day, 
he immediately resumed his studies till supper-time, when 
a book was again read to him, upon which he would make 



334 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


some hasty remarks. I remember once, his reader having 
pronounced a word wrong, somebody at the table made 
him repeat it again ; upon which my uncle asked his friend 
if he understood it? who acknowledged, that he did: 
4 Why then,’ said he, 4 would you make him go back 
again? We have lost, by this interruption, above ten 
linesso covetous was this great man of time ! In summer 
he always rose from supper by daylight; and in winter as 
soon as it was dark: and this was an invariable law with 
him. Such was his manner of life amidst the noise and 
hurry of the town: but in the country his whole time was 
devoted to study without intermission, excepting only 
when he bathed. But in this exception I include no more 
than the time he was actually in the bath ; for all the while 
he was rubbed and wiped, he was employed either in hear¬ 
ing some book read to him, or in dictating himself. In his 
journeys he lost no time from his studies, but his mind at 
those seasons being disengaged from all other thoughts, ap¬ 
plied itself wholly to that single pursuit. A secretary con¬ 
stantly attended him in his chariot, who, in winter, wore a 
particular sort of warm gloves, that the sharpness of the 
weather might not occasion any interruption to his studies : 
and for the same reason my uncle always used a chair in 
Home. I remember he once reproved me for walking. 
4 You might,’ said he, 4 employ those hours to more ad¬ 
vantage;’ for he thought all was time lost, that was not 
given to study. By this extraordinary application he found 
time to write so many volumes, besides one hundred and 
sixty which he left me, consisting of a kind of common¬ 
place, written on both sides, in a very small character, so 
that one might fairly reckon the number considerably more. 
I have heard him say, when he was comptroller of the re¬ 
venue in Spain, I.argius Licinius offered him four hundred 
thousand sesterces for these manuscripts: and yet they 
were not quite so numerous. When you reflect on the 
books he has read, and the volumes he has wrote, are you 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


335 


not inclined to suspect that he never was engaged in the 
affairs of the public, or the service of his prince? On the 
other hand, when you are informed how indefatigable he 
was in his studies, are you not disposed to wonder that he 
read and wrote no more? For on one side, what obstacles 
would not the business of a court throw in his way ? And 
on the other, what is it that such intense application might 
not perform ?” 

IV. 7* Marcus Fabius Quintilian us. 

Quintilian was born, a d. 42. The year of his death 
is uncertain: he appears to have been alive in the year 
118. Fie was a Spaniard by birth, a Calagurritanian. Ge- 
doyn is of opinion, that he was a Iloman. After the 
death of Nero, he was taken to Home by Galba, where 
he not only distinguished himself in the forum, but 
also opened a school, which was frequented by pupils, both 
numerous and of the highest rank. Flis diligence and 
taste were crowned with the most ample rewards: a public 
salary, fame, wealth, the freedom of Home, the clavus lu- 
tus , and even the consulship, were among his honourable 
compensations. After he had dedicated twenty years to 
the instruction of youth, he retired from public duties, 
and employed the rest of life in educating the grand-chil¬ 
dren of Domitian’s sister, and in completing his commen¬ 
taries. 

His great work consists of u Oratorical Institutions,” in 
twelve books; in which he takes the pupil from the very 
cradle, and descending to the lowest elements of rhetoriek, 
he conducts him by the hand through all the progressive 
stages of instruction, necessary to that ideal beauty, a con¬ 
summate orator. Many of his rules are dry, formal, tech¬ 
nical, and totally inapplicable to modern times : but so 
great is his love of virtue, so just and sensible are his ge¬ 
neral precepts, and so eloquent his language, that he de- 
servedlv holds a very high place in the estimation of mo¬ 
dern writers. “ I have no hesitation (says Drake) in pro- 



ROMAN LITERATURE. 


836 

nouncing Quintilian the first critic of antiquity : he lias com*- 
mented upon, and in a style exquisitely adapted to the 
subject, all the first writers of Greece and Rome.”—“ I 
have often perused with pleasure (says Gibbon) the chap¬ 
ter of Quintilian, in which that judicious critic enumerates 
and appreciates the series of Greek and Latin Classics.”— 
“ Quintilian (says Wart on,) is one of the most rational and 
elegant of Roman writers; and no author ever adorned a 
scientifical treatise with so many beautiful metaphors.”— 
His work derives new value from the age in which it was 
published: despotism, by enslaving the body, had subject¬ 
ed the mind also: deliberative eloquence in the senate and 
in the forum had given place to the fictitious subjects of 
scholastic declamation. If it be no ordinary exertion of 
virtue to keep itself unspotted in the midst of vice, it is no 
‘ common praise of Quintilian, that he retained a correct 
taste, though surrounded by degenerate and seductive 
models. 

IV. 8. Caius Cornelius Tacitus 

Was born about the year 5G. a. d. His father was Corne¬ 
lius Tacitus, an imperial procurator of Belgic Gaul. His 
earlier years were so distinguished by integrity and learn¬ 
ing, that Agricola selected him as son-in-law, at the age 
of twenty. He was favoured by Vespasian and Titus, and 
rose to preferment even under Domitian. He was a third 
time consul during the government of Nerva, and is sup¬ 
posed to have died in the reign of Trajan. His intimacy 
with Pliny is well known. 

His principal works are his “ Annals,” and “ History,” 
both of which have come down to us in a very mutilated 
state. Ilis other works are a Life of Agricola, and a trea¬ 
tise on the Manners of the Germans. 

As an historian he has been charged with malignity, in 
ascribing the conduct and actions of men to unworthy mo¬ 
tives; but this must be ascribed to the state of society into 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


337 


which he was thrown: that he was not insensible to the 
charms of virtue and honourable deeds, is evident from 
that glowing enthusiasm, with which he pourtrays the 
worth of Germanicus and Agricola, and inculcates the no¬ 
blest principles of virtue, freedom, and public integrity. 
( Aikin.J 

In style he prefers concise sentences, from an anxiety 
to express his meaning in the shortest space and time : 
hence his sentences are like springs wound up, and full of 
an impatient elasticity. His moral observations are of 
that happy brevity, sufficient to awaken in the minds of 
his readers a train of appropriate thought. His political 
observations have been the grand storehouse to modern 
writers: witness the labours of Forstner, Malvezzi, and 
Gordon. But while he delivers his apophthegms with a 
sort of oracular dignity, he, like the oracles, is often ex¬ 
posed to the charge of obscurity: an obscurity which (say 
his admirers) generally vanishes after a second perusal. 

“ No prose writer in any language surpasses him in 
force of description, by which he dramatizes a scene, and 
places it before the eye of bis reader.” (Murphy.) 

The reign of Tiberius is considered his master-piece: it 
was a reign the most adapted to the character of his genius, 
which delighted in unravelling intrigues, and in tracing, 
from their source, the secret motives of actions, and all the 
internal springs of conspiracies and revolutions. 

IV. 9. Caius Plinius C^ecilius Secundus, the 

YOUNGER 

Was born a. d. 62. He died after a. d. 107; but the pre¬ 
cise year is unknown. He was a native of Comum, near 
the Larian lake. His uncle, Pliny the elder, by whom he 
was adopted, caused him to be instructed in oratory by 
Quintilian, and in philosophy by Nicetas. While a young 
man, he served a campaign in Syria. On the death of his 
uncle, he betook himself to the bar; and after various dig- 

o. 





33 $ 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


nities, lie was elevated to the prefecture of Bithynia, and 
to the consulship. He was intimate with Tacitus, Martial, 
Silius Italicus, and Suetonius, and with the emperor Tra¬ 
jan. He not only himself cultivated literature, but was 
the patron and benefactor of learned men. We have ten 
books of “ Epistles” by Pliny, and the “ Panegyric” of 
Trajan. 

As the letters of Pliny were intended and arranged for 
publication, they do not possess that familiarity and ease, 
which are the characteristics of the epistolary style. Some 
rigid critics have observed, that they are too laboured, and 
abound too much in metaphors and artificial turn of expres¬ 
sion; and that the author is, on all occasions, his own hero 
too obtrusively. At the same time, we must remark, that 
these letters are, for the most part, marked with much ele¬ 
gance, grace, and variety of subject: they are interesting 
from the very name of the friends by whose intimacy he 
was honoured. If Pliny does not, like Cicero, interest us 
by the detail of political intrigue, and by the history of 
stormy times, he amuses us with many anecdotes, descrip¬ 
tive of private life and characters. Above all, the amiable 
spirit diffused over the whole, and evinced in numerous 
acts of friendship and beneficence, is admirably adapted to 
awaken, more especially in the minds of the youthful 
reader, the love of every moral and noble feeling. Pliny, 
it is true, has sacrificed much to studied ornament: yet the 
style, though elaborate, is the style of a gentleman ; and his 
censurers should remember, that art may have its beauties 
as well as nature, and that the eye rests awhile with pleasure 
on the trim and elegant parterre. His panegyric of Tra¬ 
jan has many fine thoughts; and though ornament some¬ 
times holds the place of simple beauty, it does him honour 
with posterity. 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


330 


IV. 10. Lucius Annaus Florus 

Is supposed to have lived under Trajan, about a. d. 117* 
He was a Gaul, or a Spaniard: the critics have not de¬ 
cided his country. His work is an epitome of Roman 
affairs, in four books, from the foundation of the city to the 
shutting of the Temple of Janus, in the reign of Augustus. 
He is not totally devoid of merit; but by his affectation of 
magnificent periods, by pointed sentences, and by his con¬ 
tinued panegyric of the Romans, he is more of a poet than 
an historian. 


IY. 11. Caius Suetonius Tiianquillus 

Was born a. i>. 70: the year of his death is uncertain ; he 
w r as alive a. d. 121. 

Suetonius was the son of Suetonius Lenis, tribune of a 
legion, in the time of Otho. He seems, from a letter of 
Pliny to him, to have been a barrister. By the interest of 
Pliny, Suetonius received from Trajan the jus trium libcr- 
orum , and was afterwards secretary to the emperor Adri¬ 
an ; but was removed from this office, owing to some want 
of respect evinced towards the empress Sabina. 

His chief work is “the Lives of the twelve first Roman 
Emperors.” He is rather a writer of anecdote than an his¬ 
torian. Though some may charge him with a taste for 
gossiping, yet his work is valuable and interesting from its 
very minuteness of detail. A similar work, detailing the 
private life of any distinguished person in modern times, 
would be perused with great avidity. After trembling at 
the victories of Ciesar or at the cruelties of Caligula, it is 
curious to know whether they were bald, what was their 
dress, or what was their mode of spelling. Suetonius is 
further recommended to us by an air of simplicity and im¬ 
partiality : he seems to set down nought in malice—he nei¬ 
ther loves nor fears; but collecting all the information 
within his reach, he submits it to the decision of his 

4 2 


340 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


readers. The description which he gives of the dissolute¬ 
ness of the emperors, by no means proves that he loved ob¬ 
scenities, but rather that he considered it the duty of an 
historian to relate faithfully all particulars; and by trans¬ 
mitting the memory of sensuality to future ages with in¬ 
famy, thereby to repress the brutality of others. 

IV. 12. Pha:drus, or Phaeder, 

Lived about 30, a. d. He was a Thracian by birth. He 
was subsequently a slave at Rome, but emancipated by the 
emperor Augustus, who, induced by the probity of his 
manners and the elegance of his talents, afforded to him 
the means of a more enlarged education. Under the reign 
of Tiberius, he became obnoxious to the favourite Sejanus, 
whom he occasionally satirizes in his fables. Of these fa¬ 
bles, we have five books, written in an easy, classical, ele¬ 
gant, and often poetical style. 

IV. 13. Aulus Persius Flaccus 

Was born at Volaterrae in Etruria, a. d. 34. Being of 
equestrian family, he had the means of acquiring [a refined 
and cultivated understanding. The attainments and vir¬ 
tues of the mind were graced by much personal beauty. 
His principal instructor was the stoic philosopher Cornutus, 
of whom he ever retained, and testified in his writings, the 
most affectionate remembrance. Persius has left six satires. 
In imitation of Lucilius, he lashes the profligacy of his age 
with more bitterness than humour. In general talent and 
elegance he yields not only to Horace, but also to Juve¬ 
nal. From the obscurity of his style, he has been termed 
.‘the Latin Lycophron.” Some have defended the ob¬ 
scurity of his writings, by attributing it to his fear of 
Nero; but it arises in reality from his affectation of a Stoic 
dignity. 


HOMAN LITERATURE. 


341 


IV. 14. Marcus Annaus Lucanus, 

AViio was of an equestrian family, was born at Corduba, 
a. i>. 38 ; and died a. d. 65. His father, Annaeus Mela, took 
him, while young, to Rome, that, from his earliest years, 
he might become accustomed to the purity of the Latin 
tongue, and receive the advantages of the best education. 
Having made considerable progress under the auspices of 
Rhemnius, Palaemon, Flavius, Virginius, and Cornutus, 
he was sent to complete his studies at Athens. Upon his 
return, he was distinguished by the favour of Nero. The 
emperor soon grew jealous of a rival poet; and some indig¬ 
nities which he offered to Lucan, induced him to enter into 
Piso’s conspiracy. Upon the discovery of this design, Lu¬ 
can was ordered to kill himself: he opened his veins, and 
expired with great fortitude. 

Lucan wrote the Pharsalia , or an account of the civil 
war between Caesar and Pompey, in ten books, ending with 
the death of Pompey. This poem every where exhibits 
great genius, love of liberty, bold declamation, and contains 
many affecting incidents; but, upon the whole, it must be 
pronounced rather historical than epic. Quintilian ranks 
him more among orators than poets. He is somewhat un¬ 
fortunate in his choice of subject: the civil war presents 
scenes too atrocious to be celebrated by the Muse; and his 
own proximity to the events which constitute the poem, 
prevents him from intermingling any portion of poetic fic¬ 
tion. By his inflated and tumid language, by his exagger¬ 
ation of things, by his excess of declamation, by his display 
of the Stoic dogmas, he has injured the fame of his poem, 
in many other respects so commendable. His partiality to 
the cause of Pompey has rendered him very unjust to the 
merits of Caesar. 

IV. 15. Caids Valerius Flaccus Setinus Balbus 

Died a. d. 89. Little more is known of him, than that he 
was born at Padua. In poetry he has gained considerable 


342 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


reputation by imitating Apollonius and Virgil. He wrote 
a poem entitled “ Argonautics,” or the adventures of the 
Argonauts, in eight books, the eighth book being imperfect. 
Some critics have been so delighted with the poetry of 
Flaccus, as to assign to him the place next to Virgil. 
That he is no mean poet, must be allowed by all, who have 
a relish for genius, art, and poetic ornament. His in¬ 
vention, though turning on an obscure history, is ingeni¬ 
ous, and full of spirit; his comparisons apt; his language, 
though occasionally obscure, is elegant and poetical. He is 
a better poet than Apollonius Rhodius, who is his chief, 
though not only guide, in the fables and history relative to 
the voyage of the Argonauts. 

IV. 16. Publius Papinius Statius 

Was born at Naples, a. d. 61. He was happy in possessing 
a father who carefully superintended his education, more 
especially in poetry, oratory, and in the Greek and Latin 
languages. Upon his repairing to Rome, he was distin¬ 
guished by the favour of Domitian, from whom he received 
an estate and a laurel crown, as his prize in some poetic 
contests. He seems to have become disgusted with the 
luxury of Rome: he returned to his native Naples, where 
he died a. d. 96. 

Statius wrote the “ Thebais ,” in twelve books, compris¬ 
ing the wars of Eteocles and Polynices; the Achilleis , a 
work unfinished, in two books; and five books of Sylvce r or 
miscellaneous pieces. 

His genius is splendid; his style is magnificent and 
grand, but inconsistent, and generally too daring and tu¬ 
mid. He can scarcely be said to have a definite and pre¬ 
cise hero; his heroes, both Theban and Argive, being nu¬ 
merous, and almost equally celebrated. Statius lingers in 
the narration of his story; and his poem, though termed 
Thebais , is almost concluded before he commences his siege 
of Thebes. In his Syfoce, he is more easy and natural than 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 343 

his other works: some of these pieces seem to have been 
extemporary effusions. 

IV. 17. Marcus Valerius Martialis, 

A Spaniard by nation, was born at Bilbilis, a town of Celti- 
beria. Under the reign of Nero, he came to Rome while 
young, and with great diligence betook himself to the cul¬ 
tivation of epigrams, in which, during the reign of Titus, 
and especially of Domitian, he excelled all his contempo¬ 
raries, and by which he has handed down his own name 
to posterity. To the kindness of Domitian, he was indebt¬ 
ed for the jus trium liberorum , and for an honorary tribune- 
ship; favours which, under the reign of Nerva and Trajan, 
he unthankfully requited, by assailing the memory of his 
benefactor. At a more advanced age, he returned to his na¬ 
tive country, and married Marcella, a lady possessed of an 
opulent fortune. His writings consist of fourteen books of 
epigrams, to which is prefixed a book “ De Spectaculis,” 
consisting, probably, of various epigrammatic pieces, com¬ 
posed by various authors, relative to the circumstances of 
the public games, and which fugitive pieces were collected 
by Martial. His epigrams are distinguished by a great 
portion of w r it, humour, and knowledge of manners; but he 
is not free from scurrility and obscenity. He has himself 
characterized his own writings, not inaptly, by saying of 
them,“ Sunt bona, sunt qusedam mediocria, sunt mala plura.” 

IV. 18. Caius Silius Italicus 

Was a Roman by birth; born, a. d. 25; died a. d. 100. 
Some critics suppose, from his name, Italicus , that he w r as 
born at I tala , a town of Spain. His cotemporary, Pliny, 
(the younger,) has given the following account of Silius, in 
the 7th letter of his 3d book: 

“ I am just now informed, that Silius Italicus has starved 
himself to death at his villa near Naples. Having been 
afflicted with an imposthume, which was deemed incurable, 




344 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


he grew weary of life under such uneasy circumstances, and 
therefore put an end to it, with the most determined cou¬ 
rage. He had been extremely fortunate through the whole 
course of his days, excepting only the loss of his younger 
son; however, that was made up to him in the satisfaction 
of seeing his eldest, who is of a more amiable character, at¬ 
tain the consular dignity, and of leaving him in a very 
flourishing situation. He suffered a little in his reputation 
in the time of Nero, having been suspected of forwardly 
joining in some of the informations which v r ere carried on 
in the reign of that prince; but he made use of his interest 
in Yitellius, with great discretion and humanity. He ac¬ 
quired much honour by his administration of the govern, 
ment of Asia; and, by his approved behaviour, after his re¬ 
tirement from business, cleared his character from that 
stain which his former intrigues had thrown upon it. He 
lived among the nobility of Home, without power; and con¬ 
sequently without envy. Though he frequently was con¬ 
fined to his bed, and always to his chamber, yet he was 
highly respected and much visited ; not with a view to his 
wealth, but merely on account of his merit. He employed 
his time between conversing with men of letters, and com¬ 
posing of verses; which he sometimes recited, in order to 
try the sentiments of the public: but he discovered in them 
more industry than genius. In the decline of his years he 
entirely quitted Home, and lived altogether in Campania, 
from whence even the accession of the new emperor 
could not draw him ; a circumstance which I mention as 
well to the honour of the prince, who was not displeased 
with that liberty, as of Italicus, who was not afraid to 
make use of it. He was reproached with being fond of all 
the elegancies of the fine arts to a degree of excess. He 
had several villas in the same province ; and the last pur¬ 
chase was always the chief favourite, to the neglect of the 
rest. They were all furnished with large collections of 
books, statues, and pictures, which he more than enjoyed, 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


si r, 

he even adored: particularly that of Virgil, of whom he 
was so passionate an admirer, that he celebrated the anni¬ 
versary of that poet's birth-day with more solemnity than 
his own ; especially at Naples, where he used to approach 
his tomb with as much reverence as if it had been a temple. 
In this tranquillity he lived to the seventy-fifth year of his 
age, with a delicate, rather than a sickly constitution.” 

Silius has written a poem on the second Punic War, in 
seventeen books. He has been condemned, perhaps too 
hastily, for want of fire and genius; and for imitating Vir¬ 
gil so slavishly in sentiment, and even in phrase, that he 
has been termed the Ape of Virgil. Yet, if candid criti¬ 
cism be allowed room, we must confess that it is impossible 
to rise from a perusal of Silius, without many feelings in his 
favour. His Latinity is pure, terse, clear, and well 
adapted to the dignity of the epic poem. The general 
narration of his poem, and the connexion of his events, 
though varied in time and place, are, upon the whole, lucid, 
and indicative of great care and diligence. In numerous 
passages, professedly borrowed from Homer and Virgil, he 
has interwoven much additional imagery ; and in all points 
relative to the history and geography, which his poem com¬ 
prises, his authority may be considered invaluable, and al¬ 
most infallible. Neither is he devoid of splendid passages, 
which are conceived with the mind of a poet. 

IV. 19. Decimus Junius Juvenalis 

Was born at Aquinum, a Volscian town, a. d. 30. The 
earlier part of his life was occupied in declaiming, either 
for the schools or the bar: but his natural talents, and per¬ 
haps a desire of greater glory, impelled him to the cultiva¬ 
tion of satire. The more brilliant period of his life seems 
to have been under the reign of Hadrian, by whom he was 
sent, with a cohort, to the most distant frontiers of Egypt. 
Others consider this commission as a sort of honorary exile, 
’-nflicted upon him by Domitian, whom Juvenal had of- 





846 


ROMAN LITERATURE. 


fended by satirising that emperor’s favourite, Paris. Ju¬ 
venal died about a. d. 119. 

Though Juvenal appeared at a very late period, and in an 
age rather unfavourable to the cultivation of poetry, he ex¬ 
hibits more of its spirit than several others who preceded 
him. Quintilian is supposed to allude to Juvenal, when he 
says, “ There are many who have now a distinguished re¬ 
putation, and who will be recorded by posterity.” Juvenal 
writes with the morose yet honest sincerity of a rigid phi¬ 
losopher. His sentiments are singularly bold, and his dic¬ 
tion approaches to the declamatory. He has little deli¬ 
cacy, but he abounds with masculine beauty. It cannot be 
denied, that his style partook of the corruption of the age; 
but yet it is always strikingly expressive, and often ele¬ 
gant, beautiful, and pure. (Knox.) 


Vigorous old Age of the Latin Language , from the death of 
Trajan to the capture of Home by the Goths. 

During this period, there were many who could assign to 
letters a true value, and who laboured to uphold or to re¬ 
cover the former fame of the Roman language. Some few 
of the emperors were not backward to foster learning by 
their favour and patronage: but the intestine wars, the in ¬ 
flux of foreigners, superstition, the general omission of re¬ 
wards, by which genius and talent are excited, the perse¬ 
cutions by which the Christian youth were deterred from 
the cultivation of literature; these, and other injurious 
circumstances, proved fatal to the purity of the Roman 
tongue, which soon expired under the irruptions of barba¬ 
rians. In reviewing the authors who lived during this 
period, we shall confine our attention to those only whose 
works form part of classical studies, and which have been 
often edited by classical students. 

JUSTINUS FrONTINUS 

Lived under the Antonines. He published an abridgment 
of the History originally composed by Trogus Pompeius, 



ROMAN LITERATURE. 


3 47 


ill the reign of Augustus. Bayle considers Justin to have 
but little judgment, and thinks that Trogus would curse his 
abridger an hundred times a day. This censure is too se¬ 
vere. His style in general is clear, natural, and without 
affectation. He is not a painter of manners, but an excel¬ 
lent narrator. We must not look in him for method and 
chronology: his is a rapid sketch of great events, which have 
taken place among conquering nations, comprising what 
relate* to the Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, Macedonian, and 
Homan empires, from Ninus to Augustus. 

Aulus Gellius 

Flourished under Antoninus Pius, about a. d. 146. He 
was born of an illustrious Roman family, and both at Rome 
and Athens was a diligent cultivator of letters. His work 
is termed, “ Attic Nights,” divided into twenty books: 
the 8th and beginning of the 6th are lost. As A. Gellius 
has studiously collected from a great variety of authors, 
much philological, critical, historical, and philosophical 
matter, his style is as diversified as the sources of his ma¬ 
terials; it is often elegant, but is by no means exempt from 
new and barbarous phraseology. 

Flavius Eutropius 

Flourished about a.d. 37o. The critics do not agree in rela¬ 
tion to his country: Constantinople, Italy, and Gaul, have 
been assigned as the place of his birth. He wrote a breviary 
of theRoman History. His style is concise, somewhat dry, 
but not inelegant. He relates many events, which were 
comprised in the lost books of Livy, who was his great fa¬ 
vourite and model. He seems to have been animated by a 
love of truth, and is not devoid of the judgment necessary 
to an historian. 

Decimus Magnus Ausonius 
Was born at Bourdeaux about a. d. 309, and died (according 



348 


ROMAN LITERATURE, 


.lit 60 3SZ 

to Longchamp) about 394. He was carefully educated by 
his parents ; and was himself, in subsequent life, a teacher 
during thirty years. The emperor Yalentinian confided 
the education of his son to Ausonius, and rewarded him 
with many honours, even with the consulship. After the 
death of Gratian, Ausonius retired into rural life, and de¬ 
dicated his time to the composition of Poems. His works 
consist of Epigrams, Elegies to the memory of friends and 
literary acquaintances, Idylls, and many minor poems. 
Scaliger is a great admirer of this poet: we must not, in¬ 
deed, deny to Ausonius the praise of learning, diligence, 
and considerable simplicity of style: but, with few excep¬ 
tions, he is distinguished by much puerility, empty trifling, 
and has perverted the language of Virgil to purposes the 
most obscene. 

Claudius Claudianus 

Began to flourish in the fourth century, under the reign of 
Arcadius and Honorius. His birth-place was Alexandria. 
His poetical talents soon introduced him into general notice, 
but, by his petulance and bold censure of the vices of the 
great, he was continually exposed to the attacks of envy and 
revenge. His poems, with the exception of the Rape of 
Proserpine, are of a political nature, and celebrate the mili¬ 
tary exploits, consulships, marriages, &c. of his powerful 
patrons. The purity of Claudian’s style, considering the 
age in which he lived, is wonderfully great. His verse is 
sonorous, and flows with great dignity : but his language is 
too magnificent for the sentiment which it conveys. But 
whatever are his faults, they stand out so prominently, that 
they are easily discerned and avoided ; while a careful pe¬ 
rusal of his works cannot but assist the young student in ac¬ 
quiring a boldness of manner, and a happy variety of ex¬ 
pression . 

THE END. 


Harvey, Darton, and Co. IMnters, Gracechurch-street, London. 























